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Informal economy keeps us going as our country struggles

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Street vendors
Selling convenience goods, sweets, cold water, soft drink and betel nut - all part of PNG's informal economy

NAITHAN H LATI

HONOLULU - Luckily Papua New Guinea has an informal economy that sustains the life of citizens despite an economic recession that is badly affecting the country.

With the sale of items like buai, daka, cold-water, ice-block and the like anywhere that’s convenient without regulation on trade, PNG commerce keeps going as usual.

We’re lucky to have an informal economy where everyone is minding their own business and earning an invome.

Most of these people hardly notice the economic recession which mostly concerns only the working class people and those who pay tax from their wages and salaries.

That said, however, everyone pays GST to access goods and services in urban areas and such people are not excluded from the overall economic cycle.

If we were a country without a large informal economic sector, we would face a different scenario. Most of us would be homeless or starving.

But take the informal sector out of the picture, and the recession in PNG is real. Working parents, boyfriends, girlfriends and wantoks are burdened with expectations for assistance and requests for money.

The best we all can do is to keep afloat with little we earn and to try to make sure our families are OK.

We Papua New Guineans have a tendency to accept this and live each day by luck and dinao [borrowing] until the next fortnight when the cycle continues with family commitments and customary obligations.

We really need to teach each other about the realities of our economy and try to be prudent with our money and stop that reckless spending beyond what we can afford.

There is a gap between the elites and the normal citizens of PNG in which cash plays a major role.

The cashed-up elites are on the upper end to do everything they can with their money; including making more money in every way they can.

On the other hand, the ordinary citizens and honest income earners face the realities of living a life with more expensive goods and services.

The prices seem to increase each week and people have to sacrifice much (or all) of what they earn just to get by.

Having a decent family meal is not an everyday thing but families that on most days resort to cheaper meals like hard scones and cordials or cold water.

Children are going to school without breakfast and lunch, affecting their studies and depriving the future leaders of this nation of the learning they need.

The hospitals are running out of drugs and people are dying of curable diseases.

These are very worrisome issues for the present and future of PNG.

Adding to the economic recession is that major PNG companies and investors are laying-off their employees or severely rationing their capital. We have significant unemployment which we should be managing with prudent judgement and effective policies.

This is not helped by the cheap imported labour from Asian countries taking jobs which our own people could do as PNG citizens are left on the streets jobless.

Papua New Guinea is a fine country with fine people but it seems to me we all living each day by chance and not worried about what is actually happening with our economy, with our future and with our children's future.

The magic of our informal economy keeps us going each day, and we can be thankful for that, but the reality is our country is sinking visibly beneath the weight of the predicted resource curse despite once having such high hopes for the mining sector.

Let us take care, take control, be wise and, at the very least, try to manage our incomes cautiously at this time.


While Mendi burns, Peter O'Neill hides out in Moresby

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Dash 8 on fireBRYAN KRAMER MP | Nokondi Talk | Edited extracts

MADANG – On Friday prime minister Peter O'Neill declared a state of emergency in Southern Highlands Province following a serious outbreak of civil violence in the capital Mendi.

The decision covered the suspension of the provincial government, appointing an emergency controller, deploying the police mobile squad and criminal investigators, initiating troop deployments and approving K6 million to enable their mobilisation.

The unrest – including the torching of the governor’s residence, an Air Niugini aircraft and the court house - was triggered by a national court ruling dismissing a petition challenging the election of Governor William Powi.

The PNG electoral commission had declared Powi the winner of the regional seat in last year’s general elections, a decision unprecedented as the decision was made before counting was complete.

What is particularly interesting about this matter is that it is taking place in O'Neill's own province. So what does he do?

Well, instead of flying back home to address the issue, he hides out in Port Moresby and attends the opening of the new port facility.

I have no doubt the Mendi issue could have been easily resolved without a state of emergency had he returned home to take the lead.

The problem for O'Neill and other Southern Highlands politicians is that the people have lost trust in them and respect for them.

So perhaps it is understandable why they would be too scared to go back to the province to resolve this matter.

It is sad when the people of the Southern Highlands, living in fear and uncertainty, are ignored by their leaders who remain in Port Moresby to cut ribbons and play golf.

In the recent past, when there was similar civil disruption in my own province of Madang after police killed some young men, I rushed back home to help try to resolve it.

I had received reports the situation was out of control and that hundreds of youths planned to march into town to burn down the police station and every settlement in Madang.

I travelled to the troubled area to meet with community and youth leaders who explained there was little they could do as the garamut had been beating night and day sending out word to meet at 4 Mile and march on the town.

The next morning I was up 6 to intercept a crowd of young men armed with bush knifes and home made guns. I asked them to let me sort it out. One shouted if I tried to stop them I would be killed and called to the crowd to torch my car. I responded “OK wokim na yumi lukim” (do it and lets see what happens). 

I was on my own without police escort. It was a no-go zone for police personnel.

To try to avoid a confrontation I said let's meet at the market and discuss the issue.

Kramer confronts the crowd
Kramer confronts the crowd in Madang

When I arrived, several thousand people with makeshift arms had gathered there.

I climbed onto the back of a vehicle to address the crowd, explaining I could not let them march into town. This didn't go down well.

As a compromise they requested to march in peaceful protest and said nothing would happen. I said no. They then asked if the police mobile squad could escort them to provide security. I said I would speak to the commander and drove to meet with him, quickly realising that the mob had already started marching behind me.

I drove as far as a bridge and used my vehicle to block the road. I got out, stood in front of it and asked them to stop.

In the end the issue was resolved after I promised the family members of those killed  that an investigation would be carried out to establish if the shootings were lawful. If not those responsible would be held to account.

Last week a formal coroner’s inquest began and former chief justice Sir Arnold Amet, at my request, is assisting the family members with their case.

PNG forces may face superior firepower in highlands incursion

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MAG 58 Model 60-20 machine gunJERRY SINGIROK | Edited

PORT MORESBY - The MAG 58 Model 60-20 seen here is one of the most robust, deadly and effective machine guns ever manufactured.

It is an air cooled, piston and gas operated weapon manufactured in the USA and Belgium that uses a 7.62mm NATO belt-fed round and can effectively engage targets from 200-800 meters and, in open country, up a kilometre.

In 1996, after trials, the PNG Defence Force under my command purchased them.

Then, a few years ago, some went missing. I have recently seen photographs of them on social media.

They have been installed on cabin-top trucks in the Southern Highlands Province.

Ready for the fightI am very concerned, if not frightened, that the PNG government is deploying police and soldiers to the Southern Highlands who are likely to come face to face with the MAG 58.

A premature state of emergency in the face of this combat power appears to be a cheap, reckless and a knee-jerk option by the government.

In 1989, the then PNG government reacted to a security situation on Bougainville similar to Mendi today which brought PNG to its knees for ten years.

A solid province was depleted of it minerals for that period and denied a generation of the blessings they would have brought.

This seems to be yet another irresponsible decision along a similar path.

How can the government sustain the PNGDF at a prolonged high level and intense military operation if it has not invested in air mobility and cannot buy the most basic uniforms, boots, field gear, ammunition, rations, fuel and so on.

The country is stuck and doomed.

Brigadier-General Jerry Singirok was a career soldier who was onetime commander of the PNG Defence Force

I feel for the crew of the ill-fated Dash 8 flight to Mendi

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Mendi ablaze
The governor's residence well ablaze - targeted by protesters who have reached the end of their tether

DANIEL KUMBON

WABAG - Air Niugini’s beautiful bird of paradise which for decades have showcased our cultural diversity were shredded when the Dash 8 aircraft was burned to the ground in Mendi last week.

I cannot describe the emotions I feel when I see our nation al icons destroyed.

It is the same emotion that wells up in me when I encounter our carvings, paintings, music or meet Papua New Guineans in far off lands.

In 1989, I had such an experience as I flew on an Air Niugini airbus painted with a giant bird of paradise with its yellow plumage covering the entire fuselage of the aircaft like a satin dress as we headed north to Hong Kong.

I was already seated when I saw two young men enter the cabin and watched the air hostess direct them to their seats.

Henry Kore & Nathan Kigloma
Henry Kore & Nathan Kigloma

When I later met them I found they were Henry Kore and Nathan Kigloma – Air Niugini aircraft engineers on their way to Frankfurt in Germany to further their studies. I was on my way to Cardiff in Wales on a Thomson Foundation journalism scholarship.

Last week, my heart cried out for the pilots and crew when I saw images of the Air Niugini Dash 8 aircraft burn in Mendi even as the national court house and governor’s residence went up in flames.

The pilots and crew were doing their duty with smiles on their faces and making sure their passengers were safe and comfortable and enjoying their flight to Mendi.

They would soon welcome aboard new lot of passengers for the return flight to Port Moresby to join friends and families and conduct their bsiness.

But then high-powered guns were used to stop them in their racks.

Eyewitnesses told me that terror reigned that day as shooting, looting, screaming, confusion and chaos gripped Mendi as gun trotting rebels brought the town to its knees.

At that stage, they were unsure whether the pilot, crew and passengers had been harmed.

Red and yellow tongues of flames flared as dark clouds of black smoke streamed to all corners of Mendi Valley as if the whole town was burning.

Within minutes the news of the destruction spread.

A Facebook video reached 20,000 mark people almost instantly.

There were calls for the resignations of prime minister O’Neill, electoral commissioner Gamato and chief justice Injia.

Dash 8 on fireThe violence was triggered after Southern Highlands Governor, William Powi was affirmed in his position after the national court rejected a petition that he had been declared without all the votes being counted in the controversial and violent 2017 national elections.

But Air Niugini had nothing to do with the running of these elections, the court decision or the deep rooted corruption and vote-rigging that permeated the poll.

It’s hard for me to imagine how Henry Kigolma and Nathan Kore must have felt when they saw those pictures of the plane going up in smoke.

If it had been a mechanical problem, an aircraft engineer could have fixed it on the spot. But this was an aircraft deliberately set on fire – an aircraft in good shape to carry passengers to their destinations.

I had recorded in my book, ‘I Can See My Country Clearly Now’:

In the train, I wondered how Nathan Kigloma and Henry Kore, two Air Niugini aircraft engineers, were managing over in Frankfurt, West Germany. We had all left Port Moresby together on the same flight and met each other in Hong Kong.

I recalled how we had stood in the departure lounge of Hong Kong International Airport, one of the busiest in the world. We had spotted the lone Air Niugini airbus among the many much bigger airlines of the world.

“See how small and lonely it is among those jumbo jets,” I said.

“The only thing PNG has around here,” Henry Kore remarked. “When the airbus is gone, we will be all alone here.”

“But I will be the loneliest of the three of us,” I said. “You two will depend on each other but for me, I don’t know.”

At 10:30pm, the announcement came over the loudspeaker system for passengers travelling to London’s Gatwick Airport to board through Gate 14.

I went through the gate, then turned briefly to wave Henry and Nathan goodbye. They wished me luck and I was on my own.

In the huge British Airways Boeing 747, I thought of Henry and Nathan and of relatives and friends back home. Soon I was in the air flying further and further away from PNG.

Every passenger experiences these emotions as they take to the skies for business, study or pleasure.

After safely landing and waving goodbye to their passengers, pilots and crew prepare once again to welcome the next lot of passengers.

But not the pilots and crew on the Dash 8 service to Mendi last week.

They deserve an apology from prime minister Peter O’Neill and the people of the Southern Highlands.

Racism, bigotry & the ways we choose to separate each other

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DiversityPHIL FITZPATRICK

TUMBY BAY - In most open societies public discourse still has certain taboos, things that people are not expected to talk about. These taboos are often backed up by the law.

Libertarians, who profess to believe in free speech, are often annoyed by these laws. They maintain that everyone has a right to a point of view and should be able to express it.

A politician in Australia once defined this as the right to be a bigot, someone who is intolerant of other people’s views and opinions.

Of particular interest to these sorts of people are various ‘isms’ - racism, sexism, anarchism, fatalism and so on - things people often abhor and seek to constrain. Here’s a list of 234 of them.

Beliefs like racism can take many forms and can be blatant and overt as well as subtle and nuanced. What offends one person may not necessarily offend another.

These –isms can be powerful political weapons.

In Australia a few years ago a number of conservative commentators got into all sorts of trouble by questioning the Aboriginality of people who appeared to them to be white.

The government, in support of these commentators, tried to change the Racial Discrimination Act but were unsuccessful.

This scepticism about people who outwardly appeared to be European but claimed Aboriginality by descent is one of the deepest ingrained and unsaid sentiments of the Australian people.

Public figures, like the respected journalist Stan Grant, make a point of identifying as being a person of both European and Aboriginal descent. Stan’s father was a Wiradjuri man and his mother was part Aboriginal and part European.

Fortunately, the issue of dual or multiple racial descent doesn’t seem to be a big problem in Papua New Guinea.

Just think of all the politicians, starting with the prime minister, who are descended from mixed marriages and relationships.

However such tolerance wasn’t always the case.

In the years before independence, the differences between races were defined sharply.

There were Papua New Guineans, Australians, Chinese and, at the bottom of many people’s barrels, those who were referred to as half castes or ‘ol hapkas’ in Tok Pisin.

Prime minister Julius Chan had a mother from New Ireland and a Chinese father. While working as a public servant before entering politics he was asked to leave the Konedobu Club even though he was a guest of an Australian club member.

Percy Chatterton, a prominent church minister and politician, got to hear about this and publicised the incident. It triggered one of the earliest public debates about racial discrimination in Papua New Guinea.

But Chan’s experience wasn’t unusual back then. And it wasn’t just Europeans discriminating against people of mixed race. Papua New Guineans could be equally disparaging of these people.

Hapkas was often used as an insult and even as an expletive. Half castes were incorrectly perceived as too smart for their own good, crafty, cunning and untrustworthy.

For their part, people of mixed race occupied a middle position in the social order of the time. At the top were Australians then came people of mixed race and at the bottom were Papua New Guineans.

There were sub-sets of this last category, the educated elite at the top and the olbus kanaka at the bottom.

Thankfully those discriminatory days are largely (although not completely) gone in Papua New Guinea.

In fact, it could be observed that, when it comes to racial tolerance, Papua New Guinea seems to have done a much better job than Australia.

Troops arrive in Mendi. Politicians apologise for ‘distress’

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STAFF REPORTER | Asia Pacific Report | EditedPeter-oneill

PORT MORESBY - More than 100 Papua New Guinea soldiers from Taurama Barracks have arrived in the Southern Highlands capital of Mendi after a nine-month state of emergency was declared by the PNG government.

And political leaders from the Southern Highlands – including prime minister Peter O’Neill - apologised to the nation for the “distress” caused by rioting and destruction of state property last week.

Video clips circulating in PNG social media show armed Southern Highlanders, some with assault rifles, challenging the government and threatening the massive PNG liquefied gas pipeline project in the province.

Some protest placards referred to the suspension of the Southern Highlands provincial government and the appointment by Port Moresby of an acting provincial administrator although it was unclear what the full range of their demands were.

Ready for the fightOne of the unsuccessful petitioners against the election outcome, Joe Kobol, met with O’Neill, Southern Highlands leaders and other stakeholders to apologise to the nation and to address the issues surrounding the events.

O’Neill told the Post-Courier newspaper that “normalcy” was now being restored, saying that all leaders had agreed an independent provincial administrator would be appointed to maintain 'balance and independence' in the province.

“All the leaders of Southern Highlands have met, including Joe Kobol and Pastor Bernard, who also contested the governor’s seat, and we have discussed issues that have caused the burning of state properties because of a court decision last week,” O’Neill said.

“Normalcy is being restored in the province and today we want to apologise to PNG for the recent events that had taken place, mainly out of frustration.

“The leaders and I want to express and apologise for the distress caused. Our country has always enjoyed the peaceful resolution of the leaders."

Mendi protestersO'Neill said the leaders had agreed to appoint Thomas Eluh as emergency controller and that an emergency committee of parliament would be convened to assess administration and  law and order issues.

The Post-Courier’s Johnny Poiya reports that a number of Highlands-based police mobile squad groups and soldiers are also in Mendi strengthening the security forces for the operation.

Eventually 200 additional troops will be deployed to the region.

Eluh was expected to arrive from Port Moresby yesterday to the town he left a couple of months ago when he was removed as acting provincial administrator.

Provincial police commander Joseph Tondop, joint task force commander Lieutenant-Colonel Emmanuel Todick and senior security officers for the emergency operations have met to discuss their operational plans.

Tondop said last yesterday that Mendi "is very much tense [but] there is some law and order right now as we speak."

 

We don’t want to be a nation of beggars. Peter O’Neill must resign

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Mekere Morauta (2)SIR MEKERE MORAUTA

PORT MORESBY - The prime minister’s mismanagement of the economy and public finances has turned Papua New Guinea into a state of ‘hunting and gathering’, living daily from hand to mouth.

Mr O’Neill is now begging and selling the country into China’s lap. This week’s visit to China is a glaring example of begging. And begging is not for the good of the nation.

It is used for projects for O’Neill’s own glorification – like tearing up good roads in Port Moresby for the Chinese and his friends to rebuild so APEC motorcades can ride on them for one day.

Look at the members of the delegation that has gone to China. Is the prime minister in China to sell off our petroleum, gas, fisheries and forestry resources, Ok Tedi, and Bank South Pacific?

It has been reported that the trip will cost almost K7 million at a time when hospitals and health centres are short of medicine, schools (even in Port Moresby) are closing, small Papua New Guinean businesses are waiting to be paid their bills by the government, and retired public servants are waiting for their superannuation entitlements, some dying before they have been paid. 

This prime minister has no sense of responsibility or fairness.

The trip also comes at a time when the prime minister’s own province, and its neighbour Hela, are in turmoil.

For the first time in the nation’s history an aeroplane has been hijacked and burned - and civil unrest continues.

The prime minister is happy to send soldiers and police to face his people who are up in arms, yet he runs away.

As a respected Papua New Guinean academic aptly commented: “People in plight; leaders on flight!”

O’Neill should take personal responsibility for the chaos in the Southern Highlands, which stems from the chaos of last year’s national election.

The anomalies in voting and counting in all the seats in his province are the underlying cause of the current problem.

Put together the ongoing landowner issues stemming from his government not paying monies due from the LNG project, his government’s refusal to deal with the proliferation of weapons throughout the country, the recent earthquake and election issues, and you have a situation packed with dynamite. 

The prime minister inflamed the situation in the province by announcing he had suspended the provincial government. He announced he had appointed an acting administrator and that he would ‘personally’ oversee the operations of the suspended government on behalf of the national executive council.

He has now woken up to the fact that neither he nor the NEC has the power to suspend the provincial government and he is blaming the media for misreporting him. But the media reports came from an official statement from his own office.

Why blame the media? Take responsibility yourself for mismanaging the problem and your province, PM.

Instead of facing the problems in his own backyard and dealing with the causes of the problems, the prime minister runs to China on the biggest begging trip ever – 93 people in the delegation, including 50 Chinese, according to the official list.

What on earth are they all going for? To negotiate our becoming a colony of China? Is O’Neill leading a delegation of Papua New Guineans or a delegation of Chinese? 

We have signs of Chinese domination already, in the conduct of public finance and structure of the economy, and with Chinese doing the jobs of Papua New Guineans, driving trucks, bulldozers, tractors, sweeping roads, opening trade stores in every corner of the country. What is next?

Papua New Guinea is rich in natural resources. Our problem is that we seem to be unable to manage prosperity or to distribute the real benefits equitably amongst people and regions.

Our problem is the prime minister. The longer he stays the further he undermines the inherent strength that natural resources provide. 

I urge all the members of parliament in government to think about the nation and the people – and eventually themselves and their children.

The opposition’s message that the prime minister must resign is one hundred percent the answer.

‘My people can’t compete’: China’s influence provokes resentment

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Martyn Namorong & Julie Bishop
Martyn Namorong - "My people feel they can't compete."   Julie Bishop - "We want to continue to be the partner of choice."

STAFF REPORTER | South China Morning Post

HONG KONG - In the gritty, steamy streets of Papua New Guinea’s capital Port Moresby, signs of China’s push into the Pacific island nation are inescapable.

A Chinese worker stencils a logo for China Railway Group outside the new national courthouse being buil; China Harbour Engineering Group labourers tar roads under the searing midday sun.

“Little by little they are taking slices of our businesses,” said Martyn Namorong, who campaigns to protect local jobs and communities as China ramps up infrastructure spending in the resource-rich nation, often bringing its own workforce. “My people feel we can’t compete.”

The nation of eight million people is the latest frontier in Beijing’s bid for global influence that’s included building artificial reefs in the South China Sea, a military base in Africa and an ambitious trade-and-infrastructure plan spanning three continents.

China’s thrust into the Pacific islands region, a collection of more than a dozen tiny nations including Fiji, Niue and Timor Leste scattered across thousands of miles of ocean, has the US and its close ally Australia worried.

The region played a key role in World War II and remains strategically important as Western powers seek to maintain open sea lines and stability.

For Beijing, it offers raw materials, from gas to timber, and a clutch of countries who could voice support for its territorial claims.

“We’ve seen a huge surge in China’s state-directed economic investment and mobilisation of an enormous amount of capital in the Pacific which clearly has a strategic intent,” said Eric B Brown, a senior fellow in Asian affairs at Washington-based think tank the Hudson Institute.

“The sovereignty of these nations could be compromised by these predatory economic methods. And that could create a military threat to countries such as Australia and affect the ability of the US Navy and its allies to maintain freedom and order in the Pacific.”

China’s lending practices related to the Belt and Road Initiative have raised concerns among the International Monetary Fund and the Trump administration that poorer countries wouldn’t be able to repay heavy debts.

China has overtaken Japan as Papua New Guinea’s largest bilateral creditor and by the end of the year PNG will owe it well over K6 billion in concessional loans – almost a quarter of its total debt burden.

In April, Standard & Poor’s lowered PNG’s sovereign credit rating to B from B+, citing rising costs of servicing debt that’s climbed above 30% of gross domestic product and is expected to reach 40% by 2021.

While the largesse flowing into the Pacific from Beijing is a fraction of the $350 billion of Chinese aid distributed globally since 2000, it’s still big money for the nations, most with populations under one million.

Hugh White, a professor of strategic studies at the Australian National University in Canberra, says “there’s no doubt” China could seek to establish a military presence in the Pacific in the future, cashing in its influence with “one of these small, vulnerable states.”

“It intends to become the primary power in east Asia and the western Pacific,” White said.

Governments in the region have sought to strike a balance between accepting China’s cash and resisting moves that would raise concern among Western military powers.

Vanuatu in April denied media reports that China had approached it to build a permanent military base in one of its harbours.

The office of PNG’s Prime Minister Peter O’Neill, who’s due to meet President Xi Jinping in China tomorrow, didn’t reply to repeated requests for comment.

When O’Neill visited Beijing in 2016, he pledged support for China’s military build-up in the South China Sea. In December, a month after China promised to construct K11 billion of roads, O’Neill said PNG will continue to be a “staunch partner.”

Beijing’s push into the Pacific islands risks further straining ties with key trading partner Australia – which views the region as its own diplomatic backyard and has been increasingly critical of China’s economic and military muscle-flexing.

During a visit to the region this month, foreign minister Julie Bishop said “we want to continue to be the partner of choice for nations in the Pacific.”

Last week her government signed an agreement to build a new undersea telecommunications cable to the Solomon Islands, squeezing out a bid by China’s Huawei Technologies Ltd.

PNG has traditionally looked to Australia – from which it won independence in 1975 – for a helping hand.

Outside the capital, the nation’s woeful roads network has helped push prices of food staples beyond what many can afford. It’s also struggling with an illiteracy rate of 35%, poor tax collection and endemic corruption.

Australia is still its largest donor, contributing more than three-quarters of total aid and loans compared to China’s 14%. Yet the majority is directed to improving corporate governance, while Beijing has focused on infrastructure and major works.

Nursing a cool drink at a sports club in Port Moresby, British-born business adviser Paul Barker said China was stepping into a vacuum left by the west.

“The government in Beijing has rolled out the red carpet and our leaders seem to be a bit intoxicated by the experience,” said Barker, who’s lived in his adopted nation for more than four decades.

Australia’s assistant trade minister Mark Coulton acknowledged the merits of China’s investment as he sat in one of Port Moresby’s few five-star hotels near the Beijing-gifted convention centre where Apec leaders will meet in November.

“You can’t deny your neighbour if someone is looking to build something they really need,” he said. “Our role is to give the PNG government and people the ability [to] handle influxes of foreign aid like those that are now occurring.”

China’s foreign ministry, which didn’t respond to a request for comment, in April said Pacific island nations weren’t in the “sphere of influence of any country” and called on Australia not to interfere.

Wang-Dong
Prof Wang Dong - "Scaremongering to think this will lead to military ambition in the Pacific.”

Wang Dong, an international relations professor at Peking University, dismissed concerns that large concessional loans leave nations vulnerable to “debt-trap diplomacy” and said China’s expanded role in the Pacific is a natural consequence of its growing economic clout.

“It’s scaremongering to think this will lead to any military design or ambition in the Pacific,” Wang said in a phone interview from Beijing. “We will see China increase its presence there and it will keep helping these countries build their infrastructure.”

China is in the region to stay, said Jonathan Pryke of the Lowy Institute, a Sydney-based think tank.

“China has entered the Pacific in a significant way,” said Pryke. “It’s upended the status quo and caused anxiety, because no one knows what its end-game is.”


Unrest in the highlands exposes deep political divisions

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Enga fightersJOHNNY BLADES | Dateline Pacific | Radio New Zealand

WELLINGTON - Last week's court ruling upholding Southern Highlands governor William Powi's 2017 election win sparked the rampage by supporters of a losing candidate who had challenged the result.

As part of the ensuing state of emergency provisions, Papua New Guinea’s government has ordered the deployment of armed forces to restore order and has suspended the provincial government.

However, subsequently supporters of the suspended government and Mr Powi have been mobilising around the province with high-powered weapons, threatening violence.

While Mendi had quietened down by Monday, Mendi police commander Gideon Kauke said the potential for unrest remained acute.

"This is not a normal law and order situation. It is political differences and politically manipulated issues that are causing all the destructions," he said.

Earlier, prime minister Peter O'Neill said those behind last week's destruction would be arrested and prosecuted. But Commander Kauke said police hadn't made arrests yet because the situation was highly charged.

"We will not immediately take action, but we will try and form a team of investigators, and they will look into this one," Kauke said.

"Those who are responsible in causing destructions and the burning down of buildings, they'll be investigated, arrested and charged."

A former top policeman, Thomas Eluh, has been placed in charge of the nine-month emergency operations.

Eluh was appointed as acting provincial administrator in Southern Highlands late last year as the national government sought to restore order to a dysfunctional public service amid lingering lawlessness and election-related violence.

He continued in the role through February's magnitude 7.5 earthquake which caused widespread destruction and death in both Southern Highlands and Hela provinces.

However Eluh, from Manus, was seen as having disrupted the interests of some Southern Highlands political power brokers and was sidelined in April.

Well aware of the type of political ructions linked to the latest unrest in Mendi, Eluh said he still had strong support on the ground in the province and would be available to listen to grievances. But he cautioned he would not play politics.

"There are a few factions here and there, particularly aligned to certain politicians," he said, "and of course the current acting administrator (Joseph Cajetan) would want to maybe protest or do these sort of things. But we will not allow it because of the state of emergency."

Eluh said his approach would include encouraging talks between the opposing political factions. Rather than using brute force, he said bringing the community onside was one of the first things he would be doing.

"It's not a police issue alone. This needs a collective effort from everybody," he explained.

"I've done that before, during my time as an administrator, for the first time. I was given military and the police to - in a way - use force. But that's not how I operate. How I operate is getting everyone onside: churches, youths, leaders at all levels."

Eluh admitted that it would be difficult to placate the mobs involved in political violence.

"The province is ever divided. People have taken sides, and it's extremely difficult to try and convince them. But what I have been banking on is consistent awareness and dialogue with the people."

O'Neill held a press conference with other elected leaders from Southern Highlands province in Port Moresby on Monday.

"We want to apologise to PNG for some of the events that has taken place, mainly out of frustration that they have not been given the opportunity to engage in the court proceedings which resulted in a decision that they were not accepting," he said.

O'Neill alluded to the rampage as being the actions of a "few individuals", and said the leaders had agreed that the rule of law must be followed.

Dash 8 torched at MendiAlongside O'Neill at the press conference was the losing candidate whose supporters were behind Thursday's rampage, Joseph Kobol, as well as Powi whose election Kobol has alleged was the result of a rigged electoral process.

Kobol apologised for what his supporters had done. He admitted the destruction of an Air Niugini Dash-8 aircraft was uncalled for, saying he was willing to let the election challenge be handled by the court system.

"The state of emergency that's been in place during the (earthquake) disaster will be extended, and now it will take carriage over all the other law and order issues in the country as well," the prime minister added.

"They will conduct their own investigations without any political interference whatsoever from the leaders and we will allow the agencies of government including police and defence and the courts to deal with some of the law and order issues in the province."

However PNG's parliamentary opposition has demanded that the prime minister, who is a Southern Highlands MP, resign over the unrest, describing it as an indication that  the people of the province had rejected his leadership

The opposition leader Patrick Pruaitch said elected leaders of the province must go to Southern Highlands to resolve the situation

"We need to have Southern Highlands getting down to Mendi and getting the leadership there to resolve the issue," Pruaitch said.

According to Pruaitch, the unrest was bad publicity for PNG particularly as it prepared to host the APEC leaders’ summit in November.

Meanwhile, there are fears that the Southern Highlands' unrest could spread to neighbouring Hela Province, itself recently hampered by deadly tribal fighting.

At the weekend a police mobile squad team was held up and had its vehicles and guns taken by angry supporters of the suspended provincial government in Nipa near the provincial border.

The build-up of weapons among tribal and political groups in the Highlands is of particular concern. A former PNG Defence Force commander, Jerry Singirok, has warned that police and military deployed to the region to quell the latest unrest could face superior firepower.

A little known breed - those patrol officers of the Australian bush

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Fitz - Desert camp
An Australian patrol officer's desert camp

PHIL FITZPATRICK

TUMBY BAY – It’s often thought that the patrol officer system was unique to Papua New Guinea but similar systems existed in different parts of the world, especially in African colonies administered by the British.

There was also a patrol officer system in Dutch New Guinea before the Indonesians took over.

And patrol officers also worked in remote parts of Australia amongst our indigenous people.

The patrol officers in Australia were mostly employed by the Commonwealth Government in the Northern Territory but a few states also had their own patrol officers.

Quite a few of them trained alongside kiaps going to Papua New Guinea at the Australian School of Pacific Administration in Sydney and some of them switched between the Australian and Papua New Guinean services.

In Australia they were mainly active in the remote areas of the Northern Territory, Western Australia and South Australia, particularly where there were large Aboriginal reserves.

One of their most significant roles occurred in South Australia and Western Australia during the British atomic bomb tests of the 1950s and later at Woomera and Maralinga during the rocket testing programs of the 1960s.

Two men stand out during this period, Patrol Officers Walter MacDougall and Bob Macaulay.

Walter MacDougall was appointed in 1947. He was an impressive figure, standing 1.9 metres tall with red hair, craggy face and eyes of bright transparent blue that would blaze when he was upset.

One hand had been disfigured when he blew off a thumb and forefinger in an accident with a Winchester rifle.

Macaulay, who was appointed in 1956, was dark haired and shorter with a studied manner and a seemingly inexhaustible patience. He had come to the job upon the recommendation of Professor AP Elkin of Sydney University, under whom he had completed an honours degree in anthropology.

Their patrol area was more than a million square kilometres and patrols often covered 1,500 kilometres a week. Both were natural loners. As MacDougall once observed, he felt restricted encountering the first gate on his way back to civilisation.

In typical patrol officer fashion, both men went would stand up strongly for the people they’d been sent to administer.

In doing so they ran afoul of their superiors, who viewed the nomadic Aborigines who roamed over the vast Central Australian reserves more of a nuisance than anything else.

The duties of the Patrol Officers were similar to their Papua New Guinean counterparts but the big difference was that the PNG kiaps were guiding their charges towards eventual independence while the former had the more difficult task of smoothing the way for Aboriginal people as they ran headlong into modern civilisation.

Here are some thoughts from one of Macaulay’s patrol reports:

“Having waited several hours in camp I climbed a low hill to see if there was any sign of the people approaching the camp … An elderly man appeared and told me he had nothing that I would want and that he had only a woomera and one spear which he showed me and then placed to one side: then he advanced slowly lifting his feet high so that I could see that he was not dragging a spear held between his toes.

“I advanced to meet him and invited him to enter my camp … some considerable time later a young man and a group of women and children entered the camp. They then told me how they had hidden and watched our every movement earlier in the day and how they had to continue their day’s hunt without the aid of spinifex fires through fear of betraying their exact position.”

Patrol Officers were still working in South Australia when I returned from Papua New Guinea. When I undertook fieldwork in what was then the North West Aboriginal Reserve, I sometimes accompanied Patrol Officer Don Busbridge, who had been trained at the Australian School of Pacific Administration.

Fitz - Patrol Officer Dot Forbes
Dot Forbes - skelim pikinini ia
Fitz - Patrol Officer Don Busbridge
ASOPA-trained Don Busbridge

There was another Patrol Officer, Dorothy Forbes. Dot patrolled the vast deserts of the west.

So if anyone ever tells you there were never any female patrol officers you can tell them they are wrong.

The Patrol Officers were gradually absorbed into the larger government welfare agencies and departments of Aboriginal affairs. There were quite a few of them around in the Commonwealth Department of Aboriginal Affairs in the 1980s bumping over the sand hills in their LandRovers but after that they just quietly faded away.

The early days of Papuan rugby league: Friday nights at the PRL

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Papua v New Guinea 1964
Program for the annual Papua versus New Guinea encounter, 1964

ALLYN HICKS

SYDNEY - In the 1960s and 1970s there was only once place to be in Port Moresby on Friday night, well during the footie season anyway.

The place was the Papuan Rugby League ground in Boroko, play starting with Reserve Grade at six followed by A Grade at nine, usually finishing around 10.30 which gave most club members four or five hours to get well lubricated.

Although there were only five A Grade clubs the standard of play was high and supporters very committed to their teams. As the consumption of alcohol escalated, so did the noise of barracking.

But, as tough and skilled as were the games, the real action took place after the final whistle of A Grade. The downstairs area of the club became a venue for Games Night, each club taking it in turn to run the events which were a valuable source of funds.

The games included Under and Overs, Crown and Anchor and, later in the evening, Two Up. As you would expect, the mix of alcohol, parochialism and gambling created a heady atmosphere although ever vigilant club officials made sure fights rarely occurred within the gambling area. After all, if things got out of hand, they could lose a lot of money and the revenue from these nights was essential. (Rugby League in PNG was professional even in those days.)

Out in the car park, however, things sometimes got out of hand and drunken brawls were fairly common though generally quickly contained.

The last thing the PRL wanted was to attract the attention of the police, who generally turned a blind eye to the gambling but would clamp down if the fighting got too bad.

The players were a mixed bunch. Many came to PNG mainly to play league, lured by job offers and lucrative match payments. Then they’d stay on for years, often after their playing careers ended.

Their expertise added greatly to the quality of the game in PNG and many also contributed in other areas. However others were short termers, some of dubious backgrounds.

For a while, until the League clamped down, clubs would import players for just two or three games leading up to grand finals. One case was former St George centre, Bruce Pollard, brought up for a couple of games specifically to counter the talented Mark Harris. Although past his best, Pollard was a class player.

Papuan Rugby League badgeOthers who appeared on the scene turned out to be disasters on and off the field. One from Townsville came up to play for the Hawks. His identity came to light one Sunday afternoon during a reserve grade game when he spotted opposition coach, former first grade Queensland player Pat Pyers, and yelled, “Well, fuck me, its Piggyback Pyers!”

Not to be outdone Pat retorted, “Shut up Cement Head or I’ll tell them what your nickname is”. Cement Head was well named. One sport journalist describing him as “having a head like a working bullock!”

Anyway, on the football field, despite his intimidating appearance, he proved useless, and after a series of off-field incidents was sent south never to be seen on PNG’s shores again.

For women, selling betel nut can come at a heavy price

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Woman selling betel nut at Goroka market (NPR)
A woman betel nut seller at Goroka Market

DURRIE BOUSCAREN | National Public Radio (USA)

GOROKA - The women are mostly in their early 20s. They have children at home. Selling betel nut — an addictive, natural chew — to passers-by in mountain towns of Papua New Guinea is a good way to earn a living.

But the extra income sometimes comes at a heavy price: violent beatings by their spouses. Two out of three women in Papua New Guinea experience abuse at the hands of an intimate partner at least once in their lifetime, according to the World Health Organization and aid groups.

Betel nut sellers in Goroka, the main city in the Eastern Highlands, say physical violence is particularly common in their marriages.

"If I give him my earnings, he leaves me alone," says Mala, 20, who sells betel nut and other goods in Goroka. She's talking about the man she married when she was 12.

"But if I refuse and argue that I am sitting in the sun and working hard to earn an income, he gets angry and hits me," she adds. Like other women interviewed, she asked to be identified only by her first name for privacy and out of fear of her husband.

A dirt road near the Goroka airport leads to a squatter settlement down the hill. Dozens of women preside over stacks of vegetables on blankets or sell fried eggs out of big plastic containers. About 80 percent of Papua New Guineans participate in the informal economy, but betel nut sellers say they're often singled out by authorities and fined for making sales in the street. They are also harassed by criminal raskol gangs, who demand free cigarettes.

Betel nut is the pit of the walnut-sized fruit of an areca palm tree. In Tok Pisin, one of the major national languages, it is called buai. The nut is chewed throughout the Pacific islands for a high similar to nicotine, and about as addictive. It is also carcinogenic and is believed to contribute to Papua New Guinea's high rate of mouth cancer, the most common type of cancer in the country.

In the highlands, one betel nut costs 1 kina, the equivalent of 30 cents. People take it with a mustard stick and slacked lime powder, which turns the mixture bright red and compels the chewer to spit — often onto the ground or into a small plastic bag.

People chew it to relax and to get to know one another. "It's the fruit of love!" one Goroka resident exclaims.

When men react violently because their wives are earning money on their own, it's because they see power as a zero-sum game, says Richard Eves, an Australian National University anthropologist who has published several studies on masculinity based on fieldwork in Papua New Guinea's highlands.

"So any powerful woman is seen as a loss for men," Eves says. "Basically, they want to keep the status quo of them being the powerful person in the household. So that entails bullying their wives, and beating them up."

While aid groups trying to stop violence against women may default toward focusing on female survivors, he says they should spend time with both sexes.

"There's strong social pressures on the masculine role model there, to be assertive, to be in control, to be dominating," Eves says. "One of the things we need to do is challenge those rather toxic notions of masculinity that are at work."

Patty  a 27-year-old betel nut seller in Goroka  says her husband is unemployed and sometimes steals the income she earns (NPR)
Patty - her husband is unemployed and sometimes steals the income she earns from selling buai

Patty, a 27-year-old betel nut seller in Goroka, dropped out of school in second grade. At the time, her family struggled to pay for school fees and decided to educate her brothers instead.

When she got older, she started selling betel nut at night, when there's less competition and plenty of customers — people heading out to bars and nightclubs. But it is also a time when most Goroka residents stay home, fearing the high crime rate and armed raskol gangs that patrol the streets.

"For other women, it's risky for them, they feel frightened. But for those of us who grew up in the settlement, it's safe for us," Patty says.

Her sister-in-law Joyce runs a small market, selling cookies and canned tuna. Both she and Patty asked that only their first names be used so they could speak openly about private, sensitive issues involving work and home life.

Their husbands, who are brothers, began to demand a share of their profits. A few months ago, the women saw that their earnings were missing again.

"Both our husbands are unemployed and don't work. We do sales, earn enough money and save some aside," Patty says.

"Then they come and take our money to go and drink," Joyce interjects. "So we fight. We become upset and we fight."

They confronted their husbands in a public market, brandishing a knife. The confrontation ended without major injuries, but the abuse didn't stop.

Domestic violence is illegal in Papua New Guinea, but it is rarely prosecuted. Instead of turning to police, survivors are much more likely to turn to family members or their community for retribution.

"I am not happy, but this is life"

The settlement where the betel nut sellers live is a maze of homes built with brush material, over streams and gullies. Extended families often live together in a collection of homes they built themselves, the houses facing each other across a courtyard of hard-packed soil.

Increasingly, Papua New Guineans are leaving ancestral lands in search of jobs and education in cities and towns. But the cost of living in urban areas is far higher than in the countryside, and many people make their homes in informal squatter settlements like this one.

About 62 percent of adults can read and write in Papua New Guinea, according to UNICEF. Jobs are scarce for those without a formal education, pushing many people into an informal economy of selling goods on the street.

One of Patty's childhood friends, who asked not to be named out of concern for her family's privacy, is quieter than the others. She's 21, with bright blue braids woven into her hair. At night, she sells betel nut and loose cigarettes.

"When we sell properly, we make 4 kina [$1.20] profit from a pack of cigarettes. But if the drunks come and destroy our market, we have a loss," she says through an interpreter.

Her parents forced her to marry when she got pregnant at 15. But her husband was controlling, and would accuse her of having affairs when she sold betel nut.

"I asked him why," she recalls. "'I loved you and I married you. Why are you mistreating me like this, belting me up?' And my husband said, 'I don't want you go out and seeing other men.' That's why he was hitting me."

"Belting" is a term used to describe repeated strikes with an open hand or closed fist — generally not a belt, despite the name — and is often seen as a form of discipline.

She left her husband, returned to her parents' village and married again. But she came back when she got word that her first husband had been diagnosed with a terminal illness.

"He has mistreated me badly. But now that he's sick, you know, I have compassion for him. I'm taking care of him because there are no other people that can support him," she says.

Many of the women who sell betel nut left school early and married young — out of family pressure, financial necessity or both. When faced with abuse, they adapt in different ways. Some file for divorce. Others, for various reasons, fear leaving their husbands.

Patty decided to remain in her marriage. Her husband once beat her until she lost consciousness. When she came to, she decided to fight back.

"I got a knife and chased him. He slept outside for two nights and didn't come home," Patty says. "If he hits me in public, I beat him up as well. So he can feel the pain I'm feeling."

Joyce, Patty's sister-in-law, says she got a court order to stop her husband from hitting her.

"If he does it again, I can report him to be locked up for 10 years. Or he'll have to pay 10,000 kina [about $3,000] in compensation," she says. "So he's finally reforming himself."

She says she'll stay in her marriage because she has two children, and because her husband paid a customary bride price to her family equal to $1,000.

"He has fulfilled the custom and my people accepted the bride price payment, so I can't go back," Joyce says. "I am not happy, but this is life. So I just endure it and stay."

As for Mala, she went to court and got a divorce from her husband. But when she sat down on a friend's porch a couple of months later to talk about it, she was ashen.

"My mind is troubled when I'm alone," she says. "I don't have healthy thoughts."

Her ex-husband remarried, but that wasn't the end of it.

In the early spring, Mala walked to the market to sell fried eggs. Her ex-husband saw her, and beat her in the middle of the street.

"I brought my eggs back to the house, and I told him that he ruins and stops every hope of running my business," Mala says. "So I stay at home."

That day, she says, she decided to move to a bigger city. Now, she's going to try and make it on her own.

Retelling old stories – tales that keep alive great traditions

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ViviwavaPHIL FITZPATRICK

Viviwava: Tales from the Islands by Jordan Dean (illustrations by Tamara Jenkinson), JDT Publications, Port Moresby, 2018. ISBN: 9789980901705, PGK20, US$5, available from Amazon

TUMBY BAY - For people attuned to western traditions of storytelling the legends and folktales of pre-literate societies can often seem confusing.

Quite often these old stories mix reality and the supernatural in unfamiliar ways and make the underlying narratives elusive for western readers.

Re-interpreting these stories for popular consumption without losing their essential meaning and flavour requires great care and skill.

It is not just a case of translating the original language but also fitting the stories into a modern reading context so that people schooled in that style can understand and relate to them.

Literal translations, such as those undertaken by anthropologists, often fail to spark the interests of modern readers.

To prepare a legend or folktale for a modern audience requires someone talented in story telling in their own right.

In short, it requires someone who can grasp the original intent of the story and render it faithfully in written form.

This may sound simple enough but there are many traps. These can range from the temptation to unnecessarily embellish the original story to overreaching so that the story does not accurately reflect the original version.

One of the ways many writers fall into this trap is to introduce inappropriate terminologies from the western tradition.

In the case of traditional legends and folktales you often come across terminologies more appropriate to western fairy tales; chiefs become kings and children become princes and princesses for instance. This sort of thing can have a terrible jarring effect and ruin a good traditional story.

Another example is beginning a story with the age-old fairy tale beginning ‘once upon a time’. This really detracts from the essential nature of the traditional story.

A reading of the children’s stories submitted to the Crocodile Prize over the years illustrates this unfortunate proclivity of many Papua New Guinean writers.

Jordan has managed to avoid most of these pitfalls, although there is a king and princesses in one of his stories.

The stories in his collection are mostly rendered in a fashion that retains the original flavour and avoids contamination of that kind. This is a measure, I think, of his skill as a writer.

Being from the area in which the stories are set has also helped a lot. He knows which way the wind blows in that part of the world and he has been able to utilise this knowledge to provide a skilful and authentic interpretation of his people’s legends and folktales.

The stories in the collection admirably reflect their original source and there are a range of unique features, including imagery and language that makes them delightful reading.

‘Viviwava: Tales from the Islands’ joins a growing number of children’s books being produced by Papua New Guinean writers but it is different in the essential manner in which it retells old stories rather than invent new ones.

New stories are great but the old stories have the added value of recording and maintaining old traditions for the future. Jordan acknowledges this in his preamble and it was one of the main reasons for putting the collection together.

It would be wonderful if there were more books like this available for Papua New Guinean children. I’m sure there is a vast resource out there that could be tapped into. It would be a shame if the old stories were left to be forgotten.

As always, the book is beautifully presented and edited.

I would urge teachers and parents to buy the book. Their children will be forever grateful.  

Visit to China sparks Australian anxiety, Chinese nonchalance

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O'Neill & Xi
Peter O'Neill and Xi Jinping

LIU XIN | Global Times

BEIJING – As Peter O'Neill visits China, local analysts say well-developed China-Papua New Guinea relations fit the interests of both countries and Australian media should not hype China's threat in the south Pacific region.

During the visit, Chinese president Xi Jinping met with prime minister O'Neill.

"Papua New Guinea, the second Pacific Island nation in the southern Pacific Ocean which stretches across Oceania and Asia, has paid attention to developing ties with Asian countries for ages,” said Professor Han Feng, of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

“It is natural for PNG to strengthen ties with China, considering China's increasing influence," Han said, noting that PNG is also important to promote the Belt and Road initiative.

He said some Australian experts and media are prejudiced against the Belt and Road initiative and negatively hype China's presence in the area.

But China is promoting the initiative and launching cooperation with these countries under the principle of equality, coordination and transparency.

"China and PNG have strengthened cooperation on infrastructure construction, processing trade and maritime projects recently under the Belt and Road initiative,” said Yu Lei, from the Australian Studies Centre at Beijing Foreign Studies University.

“The two sides also share common interests in some key issues, including climate change.

"Some countries, especially the US and Australia, are oversensitive and worried about China's increasing presence in the southern Pacific Ocean region since Chinese enterprises have curtailed their dominance in local markets,” Yu said.

“They can no longer pressure some countries by loan agreements as many turn to China for help," he said, adding that China's financial assistance is without subsidiary conditions.

O'Neill's China trip also comes as Australian foreign affairs minister Julie Bishop said Australia was concerned about Chinese influence in the Pacific, claiming Australia wanted to be the "natural partner of choice" to Pacific nations.

Yu said that it is natural to see China's political and economic influence has increased in the area as more cooperation has been launched and it is also normal for China to take part in enlarging some ports in the areas for trade or build satellite observation or scientific stations.

"China is not seeking military presence in the area but to better take part in local development and protect its own interests,” he said.

“Some countries which hype the China threat in the area only shows that they should learn to get used to the situation."

The envy that seeks to destroy the progress of women in PNG

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MWTEBETTY GABRIEL WAKIA

PORT MORESBY - It was such a privilege to sit alongside a group of distinguished Papua New Guineans as we collectively recognised the nomination of the first book authored by PNG women as our country’s nomination for the annual UNESCO Girls’ and Women’s Education (GWE) Prize.

In addition to counterparts and supporters of My Walk to Equality and PNG Attitude, we were joined by Ponabe Yuwa, the Education Department’s UNESCO representative and Ambassador Joshua Kalinoe.

The GWE Prize was established by the UNESCO, supported by the Chinese government, in 2016 to reward outstanding efforts by individuals, institutions and other entities engaged in activities to promote girls’ and women’s education.

The prize contributes to two of the United Nations’ development goals: inclusiveness and equality in education and the achievement of gender equality and empowerment for women and girls.

The successful projects in 2016, the first year, were from Indonesia and Zimbabwe and last year from Thailand and Peru. This year’s prize will be awarded in October at UNESCO’s headquarters in Paris, France.

The ‘My Walk to Equality’ project team is delighted to be PNG’s candidate this prestigious international award.

MWTE is an outstanding voluntary literary project of global quality which consists of contributions from 45 women writers from PNG who originally came together to write a book, published in March last year, and since have undertaken other related projects.

The primary objective of the MWTE project is to encourage girls and women to engage in writing and publishing as a mechanism for social activism in PNG. The project captures the daily challenges and positive contributions made by PNG women to improve the livelihoods of individuals, the community and the nation as a whole.

It promotes the idea that women and girls are not to be left behind but actively included in nation building through achieving the difficult task of gender equality and participation in all aspects of society by women and girls.

Since the publication of MWTE, we have received a number of criticisms from some people seemingly because of the donors and assistance we received in publishing this great book – which represented a rare window into the lives of PNG women and the challenges we face and the achievements we have made.

Those women who criticised us should celebrate with us, the 45 PNG women who set out to explain and challenge the inequalities that confront us in PNG. If we are to progress, women need to support each other’s work and achievements.

We all benefit when we celebrate another woman’s accomplishments. Together we can do more, go further and change the world. It is a waste of effort if we talk about promoting gender equality and don’t celebrate steps taken to achieve it.

It is a sad reality in PNG that some women don’t stand together for their mutual good but instead constantly compete to bring each other down.

It is unhealthy and it’s destructive, and it interferes with efforts to break down barriers and empower ourselves to overcome the oppression from men we too often face.

This attitude of self-gratification and envy impedes collaboration and he development of a strong voice for advocacy. It has to change if we are to move forward.


Love Suicide

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SuicideJIMMY AWAGL

CHUAVE - As the hanging fog cleared from the cliff wall of Sikewake, a rooster crowed at the dawn and I arose slowly from the cane bed and edged towards the fireplace to warm my numb body.

As I began to feel alive an ugly shriek reverberated through the men’s house. I hurried towards the door and peeped out.

A ghostly figure swayed back and forth. The shriek subsided.

I put my palm on my eyes and rubbed them. I glanced for a second time to confirm whether the noise came from the hanging figure. If it had, it had stopped.

It came from elsewhere. Not from the dark shadow swinging back and forth. I rushed towards the rain tree. The shadow hung from a huge branch like a tree possum.

As I drew closer, the sun’s first rays transformed the shadow into a shape of more beauty, like a fallen angel in the mist.

It was a corpse, a young woman, a thick twine encircling her neck, the tongue hanging out like a tie.

I burst into a wail and cried for help. Young boys from the village raced towards me and I pointed at the hanging corpse.

Then two muscular villagers began to untie the twine, lowering the corpse to the ground before carrying it to the men’s house where it was wrapped in an old laplap.

Later a temporary coffin was manufactured and the corpse placed inside and sealed off.

That night there was a hauskarai and the next day, before the sun painted its yellow flame, she was buried beside her lover. He who had died in a car accident just two weeks before.

It was a love suicide. There is something especially tragic about a love suicide.

China wants to align Belt & Road with PNG development

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Peter O'Neill and Li Keqiang
Peter O'Neill and Li Keqiang

HU YONGQI | China Daily

BEIJING – Chinese Premier Li Keqiang and visiting Papua New Guinea counterpart Peter O'Neill oversaw the signing of multiple agreements on Thursday that boost cooperation under China’s Belt and Road Initiative and in other areas.

China's relations with PNG have made steady progress and can be a good example for its ties with other Pacific island countries, said Premier Li.

Prime Minister O'Neill's visit is seen as an important high-level exchange, as among Pacific island countries PNG has the largest population and land territory and is seen to have significant regional impact.

Li said China especially appreciates PNG’s support of the One-China policy and its choice to develop in line with its unique national circumstances.

China would like to better align the Belt and Road initiative with PNG's development strategies and create more opportunities to boost cooperation in fields such as trade, energy, infrastructure and industrial production capacity, Li said.

He said China will support PNG in hosting this year's Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) leaders' meeting in Port Moresby.

O'Neill said the two countries have maintained strong momentum with bilateral cooperation since the establishment of diplomatic ties.

He reiterated that PNG would like to work with China to boost trade, investments and large projects, and extended gratitude for China's support of APEC.

Today O’Neill heads to Hangzhou, capital of Zhejiang province, and Guangzhou, capital of Guangdong province.

Uneasy calm returns to highlands as O'Neill sends in the troops

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Landowners set fire to LNG assets
Huts and equipment torched at the LNG project - the damage is being assessed and at last report it wasn't certain when operations would recommence

KEITH JACKSON

NOOSA – Last week turned out to be one of those only too frequent turbulent periods in Papua New Guinea when you never know what’s going to happen and, for long periods, who might be in charge.

The week ended with the deployment of half the PNG Defence Force's ground troops to the region as the government seemed to have decided to crush for once and for all a well armed if disorganised blend of angry landowners, disaffected tribes and criminal elements (see below).

First angry supporters of losing candidates in last year's contentious national elections set alight an Air Niugini aircraft and burned down court buildings and the governor’s residence in the Southern Highlands capital of Mendi.

The entire nation watched attentively as for some days prime minister Peter O’Neill seemed to be reluctant to visit his troubled home area and use his authority to placate people whose aggression had reached boilover. Fortunately in this incident there were no deaths recorded and just a few injuries.

O’Neill eventually flew to Mendi, touching fingers with some of his people through the mesh of a safety fence before flying out to Beijing where the action was more benign but could ultimately turn out to be just as precarious for a stable south Pacific.

Then more violence erupted in neighbouring Hela Province where landowners protesting about the non-payment of gas royalties by the PNG government set fire to equipment and blockading and airstrip and roads leading to the major resource project operated by ExxonMobil.

ExxonMobil said heavy equipment has been damaged at its Angore gas pipeline construction project and the impact of the equipment damage on the project's schedule of work was being assessed.

The noted commentator Martyn Namorong wrote: “While PNG's prime minister is wined and dined in Beijing, landowners destroy ExxonMobil's PNG LNG assets in Hela Province. Shows how out of touch the ruling class are.”

By now the PNG government had declared a state of emergency and begun to deploy the first of 440 Papua New Guinea Defence Force troops to the distressed region.

This is a huge number of troops for a PNG operation and is reminiscent of the then government's response to the Bougainville crisis of the 1990s when PNG soldiers were overcome by guerrilla and irregular forces of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army and forced into a humiliating and costly retreat. (See also Chris Overland's comment at the end of this article.)

Their commander, Brigadier-General Gilbert Toropo, was confident his soldiers would restore the rule of law. "We will only use minimum force to contain the situation," he said.

Meanwhile deputy prime minister Charles Abel tried to reassure landowners saying the government was working to release royalties from the LNG project but court disputes were holding up the release of funds.

But landowners have heard too many excuses in the past and this one was unlikely to provide much comfort.

Young men in Tari (Johnny Blades)
Tari is a dangerous town these days - bushknives the weapons of choice

By yesterday Mendi police commander Chief Inspector Gideon Kauke was able to say the town was operating normally with a 6am-6pm [sic] curfew in place.

 “Police are working around the clock to collect the names of criminals who were involved in burning down of Link PNG DHC-8 plane and the buildings,” Kauke said.

In Tari, tribal hostilities were also reported to have quietened down. Tari had been the focal point for deadly tribal fighting with about 20 people reported killed since March in and around the town.

But the police commander there, Thomas Levongo, said there was no guarantee fighting would not break out again.

"You know Tari, expect the unexpected. So now at the moment it's quiet but I don't know, anything could happen any time."

Chris Overland comments:

The 440 PNGDF members deployed to Mendi represent a full battalion of troops or about 50% of all PNGDF land forces.

This is, on the face of it, an extraordinary response by the government. Presumably, there is little confidence that the RPNGC can handle the situation, possibly because it is out gunned in this case.

Moving such a large number of troops into the area is fraught with risk. While their rules of engagement aim to minimise the risk of conflict, it will only take one idiot on either side to open fire to ignite a conflagration.

Let us hope that the leadership on each side is wise enough and strong enough to prevent this.

Death of Leo Hannett - a Bougainville leader of the middle way

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Leo Hannett
Leo Hannett - politician, administrator, thinker & a true son of Bougainville

JOHN L MOMIS

BUKA - My friend and colleague Leo Hannett, who died on Friday 15 June, was a man of passion tempered by common sense.

He had remarkable ability to bridge the gap between educated leaders and leaders at the village level. He was a leader gifted in finding the middle way through situations where people were deeply divided. He used his very many gifts in many ways that brought great benefits, especially to the people of Bougainville.

I first knew Leo in 1963, when he and I entered the same class at the Catholic major seminary in Madang.  We spent five years together, to the end of 1967, studying to be catholic priests.

Leo decided to leave the seminary  to be more involved in active politics. He  studied at UPNG and at the University of Hawai’i, where he developed his abilities as a commentator on pre-independence PNG politics.

Like me, I am sure that Leo was shaped in many ways by our joint experience of seminary education. Our training there included human rights and social justice and we had access to what was, by the standards of the day, a very good library.

Although the widespread assumption in the mid-1960s was that independence for what was then the Australian territory of Papua New Guinea would not be achieved for a long time, the group in our class became very interested in the politics of the day.

We were influenced too by events and developments elsewhere in the world, especially in Africa where the winds of change were rapidly ending colonial control.

But we also focused on what was happening in Latin America, where leaders in the Catholic Church were taking the side of justice and developing a radical theology which challenged the Church to take the side of social justice.

We also followed developments in the United States, where the civil rights movement was challenging centuries of racism and injustice.

So it’s perhaps not surprising that we also became aware of injustice around us. For example, we could see how unfair were the conditions in which plantation labour lived and worked. We saw that even the church, with its large plantations intended to finance its work, was guilty of injustice in its treatment of the labourers.

We became interested in the application in PNG of universal ideas about freedom and self-determination and the need for people to be involved in decision-making in relation to things that impacted on their interests. We were against ready-made answers coming from outside the situation involved and instead wanted to see participatory exploration of possible answers and solutions.

We explored our concerns and ideas in a magazine that we published at the Seminary, 'Dialogue'. We spoke out at the public meeting in Madang when the United Nations Decolonisation committee visited in, I think, 1965. Several members of the UN group were so interested in what we had to say that they arranged a separate meeting with us at the Seminary.

We used to talk in other meetings, including with  various visiting Bishops from different parts of PNG. I think we sometimes annoyed them by our questioning attitude.

I saw that in his writing for 'Dialogue' and his participation in public meetings that Leo was straight talker. He brought passion, good sense and clarity of ideas to any argument in which he took part. I have no doubt that the training we were receiving at the Seminary had a part in developing his ability to communicate, and it was also true that he had great innate abilities.

Leo was already getting directly involved in pre-independence colonial politics while he was studying at UPNG. Late in 1968, for example, he helped convene a meeting of about 30 Bougainvilleans in Port Moresby which made one of the first public calls for Bougainville to become independent.

It was Leo who spoke for the group and he published a public statement calling for Bougainvilleans to be able to choose between staying in PNG, joining with Western Solomons or becoming an independent nation on its own.

By the time Leo came back from Hawai’i in 1972, I was a new member of the colonial legislature - the House of Assembly. I proposed to  then chief minister Michael Somare that Leo become his special political adviser on Bougainville affairs based in Bougainville.

In that role, Leo became a well-known public figure. He rapidly became a voice for not just the educated Bougainville elite but for  local government councillors and other local leaders.

Over the next few years, from 1973 to 1980, Leo played central roles in the complex and difficult politics of Bougainville. In the very tense situation that developed in 1973 after the deaths in Goroka of two senior Bougainville public servants, calls for immediate independence became widespread and strident.

It was Leo who played a key role in helping to find a compromise based on autonomy for Bougainville, initially in the form of a Bougainville Interim Provincial Government.

When the PNG national government and Bougainville could not agree on the share of mining revenue to come to the provincial government, and when the national government deleted from the draft independence constitution all constitutional provision for the proposed provincial government system,  Bougainville leaders, including Leo, opted for immediate independence. A unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was made with effect from 1 September 1975, just two weeks before PNG’s independence day.

When recognition of our UDI was not forthcoming from other countries, and when we got no results from an appeal to the UN for support, we eventually agreed to negotiate a settlement with the national government. I was the chair of the Bougainville negotiating team, and Leo worked very closely with me. Here once again, he showed his ability to bring together both visionary and pragmatic thinking. And once again he demonstrated  his ability to communicate well with both educated leaders and village leaders.

In July 1996, after six months of negotiations, the Bougainville Agreement was signed. It provided for a provincial government to be set up under the first amendments to the Independence constitution, and for the North Solomons Provincial Government( as Bougainville’s Provincial Government was called) to receive the mining royalties previously received by the national government. These were dramatic developments.

Leo had been one of the main people involved in establishing the Bougainville Interim Provincial Government from late 1973, and continued as perhaps the main political and administrative planner in the transformation of the Interim Provincial Government into the North Solomons Provincial Government.

He took the lead with a group of young, highly educated Bougainvilleans, all ex seminarians, who came home to Bougainville to help establish the North Solomons Provincial Government. They included Theodore Miriung, Mel Togolo, Joe Noro, Simon Tania, James Togel, Thomas Anis and John Dove.

Leo was very effective in this new role even though he had no special training in the multiple and complex tasks involved in establishing a new government from the ground up.

In 1980 Leo became the second Premier of the North Solomons Provincial Government after Alexis Sarei. He served in that role for four years until 1984.He was equally effective as Premier as he had been in his earlier roles in establishing the new provincial government.

After his term as Premier he went on to play many other roles, including becoming a member of the National Parliament from 2005 to 2007, and a member of the Autonomous Bougainville Government from 2010 to 2015.

As for his roles in the 20 years between 1985 and 2005, I do not know as much as I do about those earlier roles beween 1963 and 1984.

I look back on all he did and achieved in that short time, and I see a man of vision, a thinker, a man who read widely and wrote powerfully.

He turned vision into practical reality. He contributed much to Bougainville. We can safely say that he was a true son of Bougainville of whom all Bougainvilleans can be extremely proud.

Letter home: From afar a leader calls for peace & order

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Guns  Nipa SHP
Heavily armed irregular fighters man pick-up trucks at Nipa in the Southern Highlands Province

KEITH JACKSON

NOOSA – Papua New Guinea finance minister James Marape has pleaded with the people in his Hela Province to “cease the use of threats, intimidations and guns as a means of getting your grievances heard and settled”.

This follows a period of arson, looting and road blocks on the fringes of the Angore and Hides gas fields last week.

“I ask you all to remove blockages and we work through the normal channels of dialogue again,” Marape said in a press statement issued in Port Moresby, which offered irony to his subsequent metaphor that “the O’Neill Abel government is not far from you landowners.”

One of the problems driving the elevated state of violence and disruption in the south-western Highlands provinces which are rich in resources has been the disregard of genuine landowner and other grievances and the absence of elected leaders from situations where they might have been able to exercise some influence.

These days, many of PNG’s elected leaders prefer to hole up in comfortable hotels and apartments in Port Moresby and visit their electorates as infrequently as possible.

Marape claimed that the O’Neill administration was “the most fulfilling government in the history of our nation in terms delivering to outstanding commitments and signature policies.”

But he was forced to admit that the people of the Angore, Hides and Komo areas within his Tari-Pori electorate have genuine claims for royalties, grants and other funds which the national government has failed to deliver.

He conceded that the people of Angore township alone were owed K32 million for claims that dated back as far as seven years, a situation he attributed to court action by “one of their own tribesmen”’

“Has Tari ever seen a sealed road?” Marape asked rhetorically. “No, but it started to happen after 2012 and from what I am told the Halimbu sealing to Nogoli was to see its first laying of bitumen yesterday but the uprising of Angore forced its closure. This project was awarded in 2015 but lawlessness continues to hamper work.

“I appeal to our local leaders [to] use myself and my two colleagues MPs [Petrus Thomas and Manasseh Makiba] and our provincial governor [Philip Undialu] to be your middle men in a peaceful way to get your grievances out to the national government.

“So far I have received no invitation personally to hear your issues and relay to government, how then can you say government has not been responsive hence your resort to lawlessness. Our government is in office hence why are you evading us?”

James-Marape
James Marape

This was disingenuous as the issues in his electorate have been on the boil for years and it is ludicrous to think the finance minister needed an invitation to exercise some kind of intervention.

Marape then threatened armed tribesmen that “one day soon your guns will be rendered useless, mark my word, as the hand of government is much longer than what many of you think.”

“I ask you all to be fair to the government, assist us getting the clan vetting complete and then we can start to get your entitlements out to you all.”

He stated that he expects his office to facilitate a meeting between concerned leaders of project areas to air issues of common concern and collectively map a way forward.

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