JOHNNY BLADES | Radio New Zealand International

AS Papua New Guinea's lengthy and troubled national election nears a climax, lobbying to form the next coalition government is intensifying.

For those who have enjoyed watching the action so far, the shambolic polling period giving way to a testy vote counting process that is still underway, don't fret: the election never really ends.

Typically, following PNG's five-yearly election, dozens of petitions end up in the court of disputed returns, taking years to be processed.

It's clear that this time, there will be many petitions, given the surfeit of flaws in the election, even if some of them are perennial problems.

Omissions of names from the electoral roll has been a feature of previous PNG elections, but the problem has been widespread in this year's edition and appears to have disadvantaged key voter bases.

There are also claims the electoral commission created nearly 300,000 'ghost voters' in electorates controlled by the ruling People's National Congress, allowing for more instances of double voting and ballot fraud.

The electoral commissioner Patilias Gamato is also under huge pressure to answer questions about the printing of many extra ballot papers in excess of the number of voters on the roll, dubious ballot box distribution and scheduling hiccups.

But for now, with lobby camps forming, the focus is on the question of who will be the prime minister.

Of course, it's still early in the vote count. Only about a quarter of the 111 seats have been declared. But the way things are shaping up, PNG has a rough idea of who the main players will be, ahead of an expected flow of most final results next week.

The People's National Congress, led by incumbent prime minister Peter O'Neill, stands a good chance of emerging with the most MPs again. But their number is likely to be far less than the 56 MPs it ended the last term of parliament with.

Individually, both the former ruling party, the National Alliance, and the rejuvenated Pangu Pati, are not too far behind PNC in the count, based on current results. Together, their numbers would surpass the PNC. Throw in other parties opposed to the PNC plus a bunch of independent MPs and there is a very real possibility of a new-look coalition government emerging.

It was always expected that there would be a large number of independent MPs and one-man parties in the new parliament who could collectively hold the balance of power. The PNC supported a number of independent candidates through their campaigns, explaining why a couple of those who have already won their seats have immediately joined the PNC camps.

Various opposition leaders have called for independent MPs-elect not to be swayed by financial inducements when deciding on which coalition to support. According to Pangu Pati's leader Sam Basil, the PNC is offering K1 million each to independent candidates who commit their support to its coalition.

That's a tempting offer for candidates who have spent every toea they have on campaigning. But as any teacher, nurse or policeman in PNG will tell you, they have trouble getting paid regularly these days, such is the cash shortage in the government machinery. Therefore, any independent candidate expecting that million kina payment to actually materialise is advised not to hold their breath.

Still, there are positions up for grabs, distribution of which could well decide which coalition the smaller parties go with. For instance, with the prospect of more big investment in PNG's liquefied natural gas sector on the horizon, the United Resources Party leader William Duma could be reasonably expected to demand to take back the minister for petroleum and energy portfolio.

But enough talk, it's time to look at the likely contenders for the post of prime minister when the new parliament sits next month.

Note, some of the following "contenders" haven't yet been declared winners of their seat. Also note that unfortunately there are no women in this list - at time of writing it looks like two of the three female sitting MPs have been ousted, and not many of the other women candidates remain in the race in their electorates.

CONTENDERS

Peter O'Neill

As savvy a political player as any in PNG, O'Neill has defeated pretty much everyone who has tried to break his grip on the prime minister's position since 2011. But having now completed his first full five-year term at the top, his public image is nothing to write home about, the economy is under immense strain, and his free education and health policies have been patchy, to put it mildly.

It's not easy being incumbent prime minister, almost everyone takes shots at you. O'Neill has often responded to criticism by saying that he should be judged by people at election time. Ideally, that's how it works in a free and fair election, but there's a growing perception in PNG that the flaws of this election were by design, something this prime minister could find difficult to shirk should he prevail in the next week or two.

Although still the favourite, O'Neill may yet fall short of the numbers he requires in parliament, given the enemies he has created - enemies who are now converging, driven by a common aim: to remove the PNC from government.

Sam Basil

Having rejuvenated PNG's oldest political party into a serious national political force after years in the wilderness, Basil has gained significant momentum in this election and is spearheading a people power movement seeking change. Few politicians have done as many hard yards travelling out to remote rural parts of their constituencies as the Bulolo MP.

Basil was a key part of a tiny parliamentary opposition for the last parliament term, making admirable efforts to hold the government to account in the face of increasing power amassed around the executive.

He and the new-look Pangu have been given the blessing of PNG's father of independence, Sir Michael Somare, in a tacit endorsement of opposition to Peter O'Neill. Given that Sir Michael stormed across the floor of parliament a few years ago threatening to kill Basil, that's quite a turnaround.

Yet anyone who saw the grilling he gave the government during the debate over a controversial, albeit unsuccessful, vote of no-confidence in the PM last year will know that Sam Basil has the chops to lead.

Kerenga Kua

Kerenga Kua is another leader who has not been afraid to direct stinging criticism at the government when most MPs stay silent because they are afraid of jeopardising their access to district funds. He has intellectual and political clout which marks him out as a leadership option for those looking to remove the PNC.

A sound legal mind, he was briefly attorney-general in the last term until falling out with O'Neill when the prime minister refused to go in for questioning by anti-corruption agents probing a major fraud case.

His National Party may not end up with as many MPs as the National Alliance or Pangu Pati but, should he enter into a coalition with them, Kua could be that middle option for the prime minister's role. An outside chance.

Patrick Pruaitch

Not to everyone's liking, due to his odd brush with the leadership code and having been a central part of two governments that became unpopular, Pruaitch is nonetheless the leader of a well-established and well-financed party, the National Alliance, which could end up with the second highest number of MPs.

He has steered the NA ship for several years now following Sir Michael Somare's departure from the party. Sir Michael and his family's links to Pruaitch and the NA remain strong.

A problem for Pruaitch's image however could be his history of links to the logging industry. He did however signal some sort of a break with the past when he spoke out a few months ago as Treasurer, revealing that PNG's economy had "fallen off a cliff", following which he was sacked by Peter O'Neill.

Some say Pruaitch was just posturing before the election, asking why he didn't speak out sooner given the depth of the problem. His answer: "Imagine if I was not there - it would be far worse than what it is today. I was there making sure that the prime minister limits himself." He certainly believes in himself.

Sir Mekere Morauta

Avowed political enemy of O'Neill, particularly through their ongoing wrestle over Ok Tedi and the lucrative Sustainable Development Program, Sir Mekere had retired from national politics after the 2012 election.

He was prompted him to come out of retirement and contest this election over his deep concern at the PNC's management of the national economy and what he alleges is a corruption network with octopus-like tentacles in charge of government. He stood as an independent in the Moresby North-West seat where voters have emphatically rejected the sitting MP, health minister Michael Malabag.

Sir Mekere is a former prime minister with a background as an economist and he was widely credited with bringing PNG back from the brink of economic collapse at the turn of the century. He introduced economic and political reforms which helped lay the foundations for a period of economic and political stability in the decade that followed.

Sir Mekere says tough decisions now need to be made to rescue PNG's economy. An independent MP can technically be PNG's prime minister, and he is certainly an option for any coalition with like-minded parties who wish to, in his words, "kill the octopus".

Don Polye

Enga's "favourite son" cannot be underestimated. His Triumph Heritage Empowerment Party is not faring as well as expected so far in this election. But as the incumbent opposition leader, and having held various senior positions in government, Polye has significant mana and commands an almost messianic following among his supporters.

Not without his critics, and a serial defendant in election disputes, he has nonetheless been a strident opposition leader who, unlike many MPs in PNG's parliament, has formulated coherent policy platforms, notably on agriculture, economy and education.

His THE party is not likely to get anything near the 12 MPs it won in the last general election, half of whom were stolen by O'Neill's party within months of the polls. A man who does not give up and who is still relatively young, Polye could yet be the man to lead the nation.

ONES TO WATCH

Charles Abel

There are elements within the People's National Congress who would like to see the Alotau MP as their party's leader. Widely respected and clearly above the rump of the PNC pack in terms of work ethic and talent, Abel has youth on his side, but must soon decide whether to push for it. Does he even want it? Unlikely to launch a coup against O'Neill any time soon, Abel is still a key to their chances of future success.

Gary Juffa

If the election of PNG prime minister came down to a social media poll, the young governor of Oro province would likely make the playoffs. Juffa has shown rare gumption in the PNG political scene by standing up to illegal loggers, thinking outside the tribal mentality and generally holding power to account.

Articulate and connected to the grassroots, his tendency for straight talk has won him many admirers, although he probably currently lacks the money base to be able to build a coalition behind him. One for the future.

James Marape

Very influential and one of O'Neill's trusted deputies, the People's National Congress strongman has been flying around the countryside to welcome newly-elected independent MPs. He's a friendly face, if you will, to help initiate them into the big whanau that is parliament. You could call him a political human resources manager.

Frankly, Marape's political nous has been incredible as his winning figures in Tari Open indicate. Marape was declared the winner by the Electoral Commission with just over 50% of a total of 60,000 votes that were reportedly cast in his constituency - which is amazing given the electoral roll had only about 40,000 eligible voters in the electorate.

Paul Paraka

A lawyer by profession who hasn't let being at the centre of one of PNG's biggest fraud scandals hold him back from embarking on a political career. Showed his intent by creating a political party with the most number of candidates in this election.

The Grassroots United Front party, or GRUF (not to be mistaken for GRAFT) fielded candidates in all 111 seats, none of whom are understood to have made it anywhere near the top five in vote counting so far.

Nothing if not ambitious, Paraka has however launched a petition against the conduct of the election in the National Capital District regional seat where he is seeking to be Governor. He's not out yet.

Unpredictable

If any learned commentator of PNG politics is still reading this article, they'll be shaking their head. They will tell you that no one can ever predict what twist PNG politics will take next.

There's also no guarantee that the overall vote counting, with all its disruptions to date and grievances yet to be resolved, will finish as expected next week. In fact, the PNG Electoral Commission has repeatedly shown that deadlines can be flexible.

Indeed it is a brave person who bets on the outcome of a PNG election. But one thing is for sure: it is never a dull ride.

KEITH JACKSON

VENGEFUL supporters of defeated parliamentary speaker Theo Zurenuoc have burned down three schools and a police station at Gagidu in the Finschhafen district.

The violent mob also attacked police and bystanders and forced the returning officer to flee and hide in dear of his life.

Zurenuoc (pictured), notorious for ordering the removal of heritage artefacts from parliament house on the grounds they were “demonic” and causing disruption, lost to the Pangu Party’s Rainbow Paita in a Pangu revival which swept through Morobe Province.

The PNG Post-Courier reported that three elementary schools and a newly built police station were burned in the rampage. Vehicles belonging to the church were also stolen, allegedly by Zurenuoc supporters.

The newspaper said the situation was tense as police reinforcement arrived in Gagidu to investigate the incident.

Senior police Inspector Jacob Bando said the violence began immediately following the declaration of the Pangu candidate.

“Disappointed supporters of Mr Zurenuoc started stoning public, police and private vehicles, showing their frustration at their member’s loss,” Inspector Bando said.

“We tried our best, urging the frustrated supporters not to do anything, but missiles were hurled at us until PNG Defence Force soldiers intervened by firing warning shots to disperse the crowd.”

Police arrested one man and are looking for six others.

Inspector Bando said police had been guarding the new police station and the district office complex but the arsonists entered the building at 3am when everyone was asleep.

He appealed to losing candidates and supporters to accept defeat and work with their new member.

SIR MEKERE MORAUTA

I URGE all newly-elected independent members of parliament to join the independent team or friendly parties in opposition, but not People’s National Congress.

Peter O’Neill and PNC have tried every possible trick to rig the election.

Despite this, opposition candidates have made strong gains – witness the sweep Pangu is making in Morobe - while other opposition parties and independents are leading in most seats.

These MPs-elect have fought strong campaigns against the odds and won. PNC is out-numbered 2-1 in the declarations so far. Opposition parties have joined together to provide a very clear alternative to Peter O’Neill.

But the fight is not over yet. Mr O’Neill is trying to stall the opposition’s gains by slowing counting and attempting to lure independent candidates.

It will not work. People are not blind to Mr O’Neill’s tactics; people are sick of his abuse of power and are calling for change.

Already PNC strongmen are looking to defect or to change their leader. They know that Mr O’Neill and his sidekick James Marape won by dubious means, with Sunday voting, more ballot papers than names on the electoral roll, and so on.

PNC members realise that Mr O’Neill and Mr Marape could well lose their seats in the court of disputed returns. The disputes are already registered.

Mr O’Neill had a record of gross mismanagement of the economy and public finances.

He had also infiltrated and politicised important institutions that were set up to promote and uphold transparency and accountability.

Look at what has happened to the Electoral Commission, the Police, the Defence Force, the Treasury and the Finance Department, the Bank of Papua New Guinea.

Look at how he has starved the Ombudsman Commission and the Fraud Squad of resources, and abolished Task Force Sweep after starving it completely.

Mr O’Neill has muzzled the media. He has virtually outlawed public protest. Where is he going to stop?

Papua New Guinea cannot allow an O’Neill government to come back to power. That guarantees disaster for the nation and the burial of our young democracy.

I appeal to all independent members-elect to remain independent and join other independents to move strategically as a group. Let the numbers in the political party landscape take shape then move as a group to influence the making of a new government.

By moving individually now you lose that independence and the benefit of combined influence. You become a newcomer to the core group of a party and will be treated as such.

Your fate will be determined by the fate of the party that you join prematurely.

In a group of independents you retain your freedom, but have the advantage of the power of a group. If you choose to join a party immediately, join one of the parties in Opposition. Do not join PNC.

Papua New Guinea’s future is at stake.

All members-elect, whether independents or from parties, must listen to the cry of the people, who are worried about the future,” he said. They want and are praying for a change of government.

FRANCIS NII

AS A citizen of this beautiful, rich poverty-stricken country of Papua New Guinea, I congratulate Kerenga Kua for his re-election as the member for the Simbu seat of Sinesine-Yongomugl in the tenth national parliament.

It is the heartfelt desire of the Simbu people and most other Papua New Guineans across the country that Kerenga Kua (pictured) along with other patriots Sam Basil, Gary Juffa, Bire Kimisopa, Allan Marat, Bryan Kramer, Mekere Morauta, Don Polye, Belden Nama and others be elected so they can lead a team who can rescue our country from its current predicament.

In Simbu, this desire was manifested in the huge support for Kerenga in social media, at meetings and through other modes of communication during the campaign period.

Thanks to the people of Sinesine-Yongomugl for being kind in returning their paramount chief and Simbu’s favourite son for a second term as national member of parliament at a time when the government is hell-bent on colluding and engaging in high level corruption.

In this election and prior to it we have observed the government hell-bent on dismantling and subjugating the structure, command and modus operandi of law enforcement agencies, evasive and disrespectful of the rule of law, and so greedy that the riches of our land have been denied to the people

Our people’s cry for justice has been met with brutality as this government has deceived its people and become arrogant and painful.

Who is going to hear our cry? Who is going to lead us in the right way?  Who is going to bring sunshine into our lives? Who is going to put a smile on our face?

Now is the time for true patriots to rise up. It is the time for loyalists and true people’s servants to triumph. It is time for rectitude, transparency, justice, truthfulness and prudent stewardship to reign.

DANIEL KUMBON

PEOPLE’S National Congress will be in for a big surprise if re-elected Kompiam Ambum member John Pundari aligns himself with the grand coalition that might form the next government of Papua New Guinea.

Pundari (pictured) is presently being counted among the PNC candidates who have won seats so far.

But during campaigning he never used official PNC tee-shirts, caps and posters supplied by the party. He opted to print his own election collaterals.

Pundari was never an original member of PNC but joined the party later along with Enga Governor, Grand Chief Sir Peter Ipatas, and Wabag MP Robert Ganim.

These three Enga-based members dissolved their own PP party and incorporated it with PNC.

During this year’s elections Ipatas and Ganim stood openly under the PNC banner but not Pundari.

Reliable sources say Pundari may have funded a number of independent candidates and “one or two may have already won” as independents generally do well in this PNG election.

But two independents who have already won seats - Mannaseh Makiba (Komo – Margarima) and Petrus Thomas (Lake Kopiago) seem to have quickly aligned with PNC.

Of the 21 results declared so far, PNC has 11 seats including Pundari while Pangu has five, NA five, and PPP three in what is increasingly looking like a close contest to form government.

JIMMY AWAGL

KUNDIAWA in Simbu Province came to a standstill yesterday as supporters of popular Sinesine-Yongomugl MP Kerenga Kua celebrated his re-election with chanting, singing and dancing throughout the Four Corner Town.

Sinesine-Yongomugl was the first Simbu seat to be declared after two weeks of laborious counting.

In the afternoon more than 5,000 loyal supporters of Kua gathered to witness his declaration and victory speech.

Kua is parliamentary leader of the revived PNG National Party and party executives led by David Yak were at the scene to witness his declaration in a ceremony beginning with a powerful prayer from Pastor Elias Wemin.

Michael Robert, a leader of the Tabare local level government and who paid Kua’s nomination fee, offered opening remarks.

“The united state of Sinesine-Yongomugl faced a big challenge in voting,” Robert said. “Usually people vote for money rather than a leader. But 2017 people dramatically changed from the norm and people voted for a quality leader ahead of the money.

“Kerenga Kua united three distinct local level governments. So, people of Sinesine-Yongomugl, get back to your usual business and let Kerenga Kua return to his task of forming the next government.

“We challenge the other six Simbu elected leaders not to sneak off to camps or parliament but team up with Kerenga Kua to raise the voice of Simbu on the floor of parliament.”

Pastor Kamane said that youth had taken the lead in a united Sinesine-Yongomugl “to eradicate corruption and nepotism in the country under the leadership of Kerenga Kua.

“They formed a movement and their hearts were determined to fight for justice to take its course in the country.”

Youth leader Mitna Dua said Simbuans were “determined to form the next government in order to battle corruption instituted by the regime of People’s National Congress under the leadership of Peter O’Neill.

“Hence, if you are elected under the ticket of PNC, then let your party leader come to Simbu and address the crowd before taking you out to form the next government,” Dua demanded.

Eddie Ninkama, one of 36 candidates who contested Sinesine Yongomugl seat commended and congratulated Kerenga Kua.

“People have decided a leader,” Ninkama said. “It’s always one among the many and it’s your choice.

“Do not suppress services such as schools and health because they are government institutions serving the public interest.

“Do not pose a threat or intimidate students and public servants from serving the people after these declarations,” Ninkama told the assembled crowd.

“The other six leaders from the electorates in Simbu should move together into the parliament to show that Simbu is united,” he said.

The crowd was delighted with the speeches and screamed and shouted as the words from the individual speakers touched their hearts.

PNG National Party president David Yak commended the people of Sinesine-Yongomugl for voting in the party leader.

“His victory is for PNG, not only for Sinesine-Yongomugl and Simbu,” Yak sais.

“The National Party starts to score now and it will continue into tomorrow. No one disputes this victory and I’m glad. This shows how people are ready to accept development in the next five years.”

“People opposed nere tere [inducements] and voted for a real leader,” Kerenga Kua said. “No money and lamb flaps were involved in this eight weeks campaign.

“It indicates that people have changed for a good course in the years to come.

“We do not develop and grow with nere tere but embrace progressive development. This election is the result of what we did over the last five years.

“Nationally, Peter O’Neill destroyed every fabric of PNG. You cannot trust PNC. They control media from fair and free reporting.

“The government dictates that the media be in favour of Peter O’Neill. What is negative is shelved and only boastful content is published to deceive the people of Papua New Guinea.

“I will make my business to allow the media total freedom of reporting rather than dictating.”

He said Peter O’Neill was an incompetent prime minister.

“He cannot come on for a second term. I will make sure he will not be the prime minister. He is a fugitive so he must go. PNG does not need this leader for he is a destructive element. The country needs a better leader.

“I remind all winning independent candidates not to be a cheap commodity. Do not support any party or leaders from their sweet talk and money. Step out and support a party and leaders who can stop this country bleeding from constitutional and economic crisis.”

PAUL FLANAGAN | PNG Economics

As foreshadowed in his last article, Paul Flanagan has undertaken additional & sought independent statistical analysis on the strength of bias towards the Peter O’Neill’s ruling People’s National Congress in Papua New Guinea’s 2017 election, in which counting is slow and still only about one-quarter complete. “Possibly there is some cause other than the electoral commissioner not performing his duties to the standards expected by the people of PNG,” Paul writes in a note. “To clear his name, he should release more information, the type of information he should have given to the electoral advisory committee before it resigned” - KJ

PAPUA New Guinea’s election has unquestionably been biased in favour of the O’Neill government.

The army of 300,000 People’s National Congress ghost voters - over 6,000 for every PNC electorate on average - is almost a statistical certainty. It is a level of gross manipulation that even surprised me.

My last article indicated some extraordinary differences in the numbers of “ghost voters” (or “excess electors”, or “inflated rolls”) when comparing PNC electorates to non-PNC electorates.

These used simple statistical tools – totals and averages – but detailed statistical regressions by an independent expert indicate a higher than 95% probability (so 19 chances in 20 – pretty high odds!) that the election has been biased in favour of the PNC.

That figure is 99% when five statistical outliers are removed (99 chances in 100). This is an extraordinary pattern of bias – one rarely found in statistical analysis in the social sciences.

When determining statistical relationships, sometimes statistical outliers are identified. Five were identified by the model.

The following graph is based on excluding the five outliers – leaving 84 electorates in consideration. It shows that the O’Neill PNC electorates had on average 6,349 ghost voters.

Non-PNC electorates had a negative number of 621 – people would turn up to vote and find their names were not on the roll.

Some of this is accidental or chaotic, but the statistical analysis indicates much of this is most likely deliberate – 99% most likely!

There will be many tricks ahead as the O’Neill government continues to play the advantages of incumbency (such as delayed counting and claims of failed elections in key areas where Morauta and Polye had strong claims).

Electoral commissioner Gamato needs to take responsibility for this biased election and resign.

The public has a right to know what actually happened to the 2017 electoral roll, the reasons for the chaotic distribution of ballots with inadequate numbers going to key anti-O’Neill areas (such as the universities), the very suspicious pattern of slow counting in potentially key alternative government strongholds, the reasons he has started to hide from the press and why he attacks commentators for simply using the same comparison he used on 9 April or figures he’s earlier distributed.

The election advisory committee should reform and advise the governor general, notwithstanding the limits on their power, which electorates should be declared failed.

Ialibu-Pangia and Tari would seem prime suspects for being declared failed with unacceptable last minute gerrymandering and statistically improbable voter turnout figures.

Fortunately, the public backlash against PNC is so powerful that despite the clear bias in this election, there still remains a historic chance for change.

May the anti-O’Neill forces be able to find enough common ground to form a new government.

My next article will deal with the ludicrous attempt by the electoral commissioner in a media release issued on Friday to defend these biased practices.

BILL BROWN

WHEN District Officer Fred (FPC) Kaad transferred me from Dreikikir Patrol Post to Ambunti in 1957, it served both our ends.

It solved Fred’s staffing problem and meant I would be in charge of a Sub-District once again, a prospect I relished.

Taking over from Mert (MW) Brightwell as acting Assistant District Officer, I would be paid a little more but, on the downside, I’d have to defer my leave for at least seven months.

I could have travelled to Ambunti overland - down the road from Maprik to Pagwi and then upriver by boat - but the road sector was a slow drive of 55 kilometres in the middle of the wet season.

The rains and the swollen Sepik River would have flooded the roadhead and we would have to truck my gear through the quagmire to the workboat.

The final leg, pushing upstream against the Sepik River current for 60 kilometres, would take another three hours. Perhaps six hours in all, just to get from Maprik to Ambunti.

I decided to take the quicker option and arranged a charter flight. One of Bobby Gibbes’ Norseman aircraft flew a load of government stores to Maprik then uplifted me and all my gear to Ambunti. Even with some added sightseeing, it was only a 30-minute flight.

I had flown over the Sepik River once before, but I was not prepared for the vista emerging from the early morning mist. A seemingly endless river twisted and turned through swamps and grasslands, its meandering course punctuated by numerous ox-bow lakes and a few straight reaches.

From my seat in the cockpit, I could see the Chambri Lakes on the left shimmering in the morning sunlight, while ahead the mountain at Ambunti and the Waskuk Hills rose abruptly from the plain. In the distance, New Guinea’s central ranges jag-toothed across the skyline.

We flew a beeline for 10 minutes, almost directly above the road to Pagwi, before turning to follow the river upstream: a 13 kilometre straight stretch to Avatip then another change of course for an even straighter leg from Malu to Ambunti.

Pilot David Wills gave me a flypast of  Ambunti station before making a wide 270-degree turn to land.

By New Guinea standards, Ambunti was a simple one-way airstrip with a long clear approach. With the throttle cut back after touchdown and a little application of the brakes, the 300-metre grassed surface brought the aircraft to a standstill well before the mountain at the end of the strip. The river bank was the only hazard. If the pilot landed too short, the wheels could clip the top of the bank and flip the aircraft on its back.

Mert Brightwell was waiting at the airstrip to meet me. He explained the handover would take about four weeks, beginning with a thorough familiarisation with the station and environs after which we would take the workboat upriver: first to May River Patrol Post (333 kilometres) and then a further 444 kilometres to the border with Dutch New Guinea.

Back at Ambunti, the process would be completed with the formal check of the cash and assets. Then we would each sign the handover certificates and Brightwell would be on his way.

Saturday was Station Inspection Day at Ambunti and Brightwell had postponed the early morning ritual until my arrival.

We began with the inspection of the police detachment, formed outside the barracks in their parade ground best. Then we moved on to the kalabus (gaol), a long, thatch-roofed shed with substantial walls of logs driven vertically in the ground.

The detainees were lined up inside the surrounding barbed-wire fence and, as Brightwell called names from the gaol register, I checked each individual prisoner against the warrants of imprisonment.

We moved to the airstrip and walked its 300 metres end to the end and back again. Brightwell was known to be fastidious, some would say pernickety, and we checked the surface for sogginess and ruts. I was mildly surprised that we did not check each blade of grass.

A footpath, shaded by shrubbery and some small trees, led from the airstrip up a gentle rise to the office where the serious exertion began.

First, some 15-odd steps cut ladder-like into the cliff at the back, then a stiff climb up the spine of the hill in the broiling sun.

Three zigzags led to the Medical Assistant’s house, then a few more zigs and zags further up the hill to the Assistant District Officer’s house. Finally, we followed a narrow path through the bush to a clearing a little higher up the mountain – this was kiap McDonald’s last resting place.

Edward McDonald had been killed by a disaffected policeman - shot at dawn with a service rifle while sleeping in his bed.

His grief-stricken family (his father was mayor of Geelong in Victoria) were further distressed when the two-metre long, pink granite tombstone, shipped in a crate from Australia, was found to be cracked and fractured when unpacked at the graveside.

A replacement slab now covered the grave, with the fractured slab alongside. Both carried the same simple epitaph engraved in gold:

In Remembrance of
Assistant District Officer
EDWARD COLIN McDONALD
Who was Killed on Service
28th February 1935
Aged 29 years.

Brightwell and I talked that evening about McDonald’s murder and other events: the 1952 ‘Creighton Affair’ and the May River massacre of August 1956.

The Creighton Affair of May 1952 had thrown Ambunti Patrol Post into chaos when the expatriate population of three single officers was arrested and charged with rape and other crimes.

The two Patrol Officers, acquitted of rape, were subsequently convicted on lesser charges and deported. The Medical Assistant, convicted, and gaoled for four and a half years, was acquitted after a High Court Appeal.

Those arrests and the ensuing, lengthy court proceedings left an administrative vacuum at Ambunti that Sepik Robbie, the Sub-District Office clerk at Angoram, was sent to fill.

Semi-retired, Eric Douglas Robinson knew the Sepik well. He had been a Patrol Officer on the river in 1928 and District Officer in charge of the river district at Ambunti in 1932.

Born with a speech impediment, Robinson introduced himself as “Wobbinson” and would joke, "The diffewence between Mawilyn Monwoe and me is that I have a bit of twoble wolling my r's."

JK McCarthy in his memoir, Patrol Into Yesterday, relates how, after Robinson nearly died from leech bite, he stated he would raise the question of officers patrolling leech-infested grass country being issued with issued with a certain type of “wubber goods.”

The leech that snuck up Robbie’s penis and latched on inside had gorged and gorged. Robbie reached hospital, his sense of humour intact, imploring the medicos to “wapidly wemove the wascal, but please wetain the size”.

Patrol Officer Peter (PB) Wenke, just returned from leave after completing his first term, took over Ambunti from Robbie and by mid-1953, he was patrolling with gusto and venturing recklessly far afield—travelling up the Sepik by workboat to enter and explore Leonard Schultze and travelling overland from Ambunti through the swamps to the Yellow River with only three police.

At Angoram, 170 kilometres downstream, the sub-district headquarters was in caretaker mode with Patrol Officer Jock (JW) MacGregor, barely out of his cadetship, in charge.

Some 750 kilometres upstream at Green River Patrol Post, Allan (AT) Cottle, another young kiap of MacGregor’s vintage, was custodian.

It seemed incredible that three very junior officers could be responsible for the law, order and welfare of the people living along 1,000 kilometres of the Sepik River—from the sea to the international border with what was then Dutch New Guinea.

Further south, at Telefomin, in the headwaters of the Sepik River high in the mountains, two other inexperienced officers were in control. This was where the practice of deploying relatively inexperienced young men came to grief.

Cadet Patrol Officer Geoffrey (GB) Harris had been stationed at Telefomin for eight of his 15 months total service. His superior, Patrol Officer Gerald (GL) Szarka was nearing the completion of his second term—but had only been at Telefomin for three months.

They were murdered in two separate incidents on 6 November 1953.

The Telefomin tragedy brought an influx of kiaps to the Sepik; Brightwell was almost the last of them. Just back from the two-year diploma course at the Australian School of Pacific Administration (ASOPA) in March 1954, he was ensconced as acting ADO at Abau in the Central District when he was drafted to play a role in the lower court hearings at Wewak.

He was moved to Ambunti when the Supreme Court hearings ended in August and spent six months as Patrol Officer before Ambunti was regraded to sub-district status in April 1956 and he was elevated to acting ADO.

Life should have been easy from then on but in August the May River people invited their neighbours from a little further upstream at the Yellow River junction to a feast where they murdered and cooked 25 of their invitees.

The boofheads in Port Moresby seemingly had not learnt anything from the Telefomin massacre, even ignoring their own edict—in force in 1956 and for many years thereafter—that Telefomin patrols must comprise at least two officers, one “an experienced Patrol Officer, Assistant District Officer, or District Officer.”

Patrol Officer Tony (AL) Redwood, five months back from his first leave and based in Port Moresby 1,200 kilometres from May River, was certainly not “an experienced Patrol Officer” when he “was called to headquarters at Konedobu, and told [he] had been selected to lead the May River patrol” which would traverse through the Telefomin Sub-District.

Except for the occasional visitor, Redwood and his police detachment were on their own during the 82 days (29 0ctober 1956 - 18 January 1957) of the May River patrol. They rounded up the culprits and saw them through the court proceedings that culminated in 40 men being convicted in the Supreme Court and sentenced on 11 February 1957. Redwood had contracted hepatitis and was at Dreikikir recuperating when I left there for Ambunti on 27 February 1957.

Preparations for our departure upriver to May River Patrol Post and then to the Dutch New Guinea border were made in typical Brightwell style. It took a whole day to assemble and load the rations to resupply the Patrol Post.

March was the wettest month of the normally wet year. Rations were loaded into Mala’s small cabin and laid out carefully on the floor: unopened bags of rice, wheatmeal and dried peas, each weighing 51 kilograms; smaller 32 kilogram bags of slightly damp sugar, and smaller 25 kilogram bags of even damper salt.

When the crates, cartons and caddies of ships biscuits, tea, matches and tobacco had been squeezed into corners and crannies, there was no room to move around. The only free space, a passage around the diesel motor, allowed the crew limited access to ensure it was greased and oiled and powering the boat along.

We slept on board on the night before our departure, crawling from the bulwarks onto canvas bed sleeves stretched above the cargo. We wriggled under mosquito nets before dusk and emerged only after dawn when some of the clouds of mosquitos had dispersed.

The boat’s crew - Manji, Kontrak, Nyaga, and Aipak, all from the middle river - came on board just before first light.

Woken by the rumble of the diesel as the crew fired it up, Brightwell and I crawled out from under our mosquito nets.

Brightwell’s cook, Auriman from Avatip, was next aboard and, after much shouting, latecomers made their way around the deck and stepped into a long canoe strapped to the starboard side. There were three exchange police for May River, some accompanying wives, a medical orderly and two other police who were part of our team.

At 6:10, 20 minutes before sunrise, we were underway and heading upriver in the dawn light. Brightwell and I moved the two canvas chairs to the reinforced roof above the wheelhouse and here we spent the daylight hours. When it rained, we descended to the cabin and perched on bags of rice.

Auriman cooked breakfast in the foc’sle on a single burner Primus stove - fried eggs, bacon and coffee - and served it while Mala was passing through the Yambon Gate, where the river, at its fastest and deepest, raced and swirled through the narrow cutting it had gouged through a high ridge.

With breakfast out of the way, it was time for the daily waswas, a ritual involving standing naked in the sunlight on the stern of the boat. The shower, a galvanized bucket tied to a rope, was thrown overboard from the stern and hauled back filled with gritty, colloidal Sepik River.

There were accompanying cautions shouted by the crew in Tok Pisin: “Don’t loop the rope around your wrist – the bucket will pull you under and you might never come back up!”

The toilet was another stern rope, knotted at regular intervals and secured to a cleat. The rope was to be firmly gripped by the crouching user who would hang bare-bottomed over the stern in full view of the river banks.

There was another admonishment for the toilet: “Don’t get chopped up by the propeller, kick away if you fall in.”

Aboard Mala we had a modicum of privacy and comfort, partially shielded from prying eyes by a canvas flap hanging from the cabin roof. It was not so secluded for those travelling in the canoe strapped alongside.

The canoe’s freeboard was one-third that of Mala and her passengers were completely exposed to view. It was too dangerous to move between the two vessels when we were underway and even when we tied up after the day’s travel as there was seldom enough dry land to move around.

Brightwell had commissioned men from Kubkain village to fell the tallest canoe tree that they could find. Their finest craftsman had tirelessly adzed and honed the log, transforming it into a canoe that projected more than a metre fore and aft of Mala’s 12-metre length.

With two 44 gallon (200 litre) drums of diesel fuel standing vertically amidships, the passengers could move gingerly from end to end, perch on one side of the canoe or squat on the floor on the floor or on their hand luggage.

It was tough being a policeman on the Sepik if you didn’t come from there, and tougher still being a policeman’s wife. Life was hard at Ambunti but much worse travelling on the river, in the swamps and at that hellhole at May River.

Mosquitos attacked throughout the day. They were different at every stop: a wasp-like sting at one place, painless at another; while elsewhere they seemed to have chewing teeth.

I used a pressure pack of insecticide to liberally spray any mosquitos that joined me under the net and later I spent 10 days in hospital recovering from a reaction to the spray, the skin on my arms and legs erupting into fluid-filled blisters.

Arriving back at Ambunti on Wednesday 3 April 1957, we had a week before Brightwell needed to depart on leave - time to finalise the slowest handover in history - before we both headed to town, me for medical treatment.

The station was left for the time being in the care of newly-appointed Cadet Patrol Officer John (JF) Tierney and his mentors: Medical Assistant Allan Kelly, Clerk Lasi from the Papuan Gulf, and, most experienced of all, Sergeant Lingut of the Royal Papua and New Guinea Constabulary.

Tierney stepped off the aircraft that I caught to Wewak. There, Hungarian-born District Medical Officer Lajos Roth said he did not know how to treat my problem, but would admit me and try an ‘old wives’ remedy.

The expat hospital, just along the road from the Wewak Point Hotel, was a small remnant of a much larger wartime edifice. It normally catered for maternity events but there were no births in the offing and I was the only patient.

Each morning for a fortnight, after completing his rounds at the main hospital on the road around the point from Chinatown, Roth appeared with a huge syringe and extracted blood from a vein in my arm and promptly re-injected it into my rump.

I was never sure what triggered the cure – Roth’s blood transfer treatment, the elapse of time, Matron Bodellia Mulcahy’s nightly libations or the ministrations and the banter of her young cohorts, Sisters Patricia Bondason and Gloria Dag.

Cured anyway, I flew back to Ambunti to find the station running smoothly but there was much to do. John Tierney had accomplished more than I expected. He had learnt the office procedures; how to handle the radio transceiver and worked on many chores.

But there were some things beyond his purview, like the string of people—men and women—seeking a court hearing, and there was official correspondence demanding a reply.

As part of what to Tierney may have been a boring learning curve, he sat alongside me in the office as I worked through the complaints and disputes: some frivolous, others settled by mediation, others like adulteries addressed through more formal court processes. (At the time, adultery was a crime applying only to the indigenous people.)

Among the letters, there was a formal invitation, addressed to Bill Brown BHP, to an ordination of the first Franciscan Bishop. It was almost a command. An attached handwritten, unsigned note explained it was Monsignor Doggett’s personal request that I attend his ordination.

It was arranged that an SVD Cessna would pick me up at Ambunti early in the morning of 3 June and return me from Aitape to Ambunti the following day.

The note concluded with the comment that my contention that I was not a Black Hearted Presbyterian was accepted but the BHP post-nominal was correct for a Black Hearted Protestant.

There was always something happening on the river.

Famed American TV raconteur Lowell Thomas together with Australian filmmaker Lee Robison and his associate Joy Cavill arrived with a flotilla of small ships laden with movie equipment to record the first episode of High Adventure, a colour series for the CBS Television Network.

They and our bosses in Port Moresby expected us to ensure there was plenty of local cooperation and colour. Later, in return, the Ambunti community from near and far was invited to a night-time premiere of the full-length colour movie Walk Into Paradise filmed on the Sepik and around Goroka in 1955. (For American release it was later retitled Walk Into Hell.)

Downstream at Pagwi, Education Officer Tasman (TR) Hammersley had been in trouble for some time, accused of romancing District Commissioner Elliott-Smith’s daughter, and was barred from visiting town.

The brash young lady, nose in air and not perturbed, proclaimed to anyone who would listen, “If Daddy does it, so can I!”

The townsfolk had been speculating about Daddy Elliott-Smith for some time. The speculation ended when the storeman’s young wife collided with the District Commissioner and the love bug bit them both ending his marriage of 26 years.

Thirty years his junior, and married just two years, his lover fled to Australia, perhaps to establish a nest. Elliott-Smith followed soon after, abandoning forever his prestigious DC’s position, never to return.

Elliott-Smith’s sudden departure was followed by another unexpected twist. On 30 April 1957, acting District Officer Fred Kaad was slotted in as acting District Commissioner ahead of the irreverent and unruly District Officer Dick White—a pre-war officer, ten years Kaad’s senior.

Neither event made ripples at Ambunti where we were playing catch-up. May River Patrol Post had been without an expatriate officer since Redwood’s departure on 11 January. Police Sergeant Sauweni and a small detachment were left to hold the fort.

Sauweni had probably saved the Telefomin station from completion annihilation in November 1953, but I did not think that leaving him in charge of the May River was reward or recognition for that extraordinary achievement. I needed to have somebody posted to administer May River and Patrol Officer Peter O’Sullivan drew the short straw.

In 1956, O’Sullivan had been acting Assistant District Officer at idyllic Misima in Milne Bay and after leave was posted to the Sepik District, first to Wewak, then to Lumi and finally to May River.

In Wewak, O’Sullivan had formed an attachment with a sinuous, long-legged young lady - described inelegantly by Dave Wills as “all muscle and no tits.” Maybe he was correct as she later became famous on Australian television as a fitness guru and, later still, host of a successful BBC television show.

O’Sullivan’s romance survived his transfer to Lumi but not to May River. He had not been there very long when I was asked to get an urgent “Dear John” letter delivered to him.

May River lapsed into relative unimportance when the Anderson Affair, as it became known, hit the headlines.

The Administrator had forwarded the report of an inquiry into the affair to Canberra on 16 July 1957 and three days later Territories Minister Paul Hasluck launched his blistering response:

“After reading the report it seems to me that you may not be viewing this matter as gravely and with the same sense of anxiety that the Government is bound to view it…

“The report reveals a state of affairs, as well as a most grievous abuse of authority, and its conclusions are damaging not merely to the reputations of the officers concerned but to the reputation of the whole Administration, and must deeply effect the confidence of the Government and (should the occasion unfortunately arise) of the Commonwealth Parliament in your own ability to control the matters entrusted to you.”

At the same time Hasluck wrote to the PNG Public Service Commissioner, N Thomson, directing him to hold an immediate inquiry under Section 10 of the Public Service Ordinance into aspects of the Departments of Law and of Public Health, and a full blown, nine-pronged investigation of the Department of Native Affairs.

The cause of all this had transpired at Tapini, headquarters of the Goilala Sub-District, and 125 kilometres north of Port Moresby in the Owen Stanley Ranges. It was a long way from the Sepik District but the events there in late 1956 triggered reviews, adjustments and changes to our department that would continue for years.

We knew nothing of this in the Sepik, but guessed something was afoot when all the outstation ADOs—real and acting—Geoff (GR) Burfoot at Aitape, Bunny (SH) Yeoman at Angoram, Frank (FD) Jones at Lumi, Arthur (AT) Carey at Maprik, Ron (RTD) Neville at Telefomin and me at Ambunti were peremptorily ordered into town, with instructions to proceed direct to accommodation at the Wewak Point Hotel and remain there until we were contacted. Wewak-based acting District Officer Dick White and acting Assistant District Officer Tom Ellis would join us there.

We were a motley group - married, single and separated, one Lothario; young and old; mostly ex-servicemen but for two of us—Ron Neville and me, schoolboys during the war.

We learnt a little more that afternoon when acting District Commissioner Fred Kaad appeared. The Public Service Commissioner and a three-man team were flying to all centres in the Territory to conduct an enquiry, and the Wewak segment would kick off the next day.

We would be individually grilled, under oath and in camera, as to our own behaviour and as to what we knew about the behaviour of others.

Assistant Secretary for Territories, Dudley McCarthy—a pre-war, New Guinea kiap—would assist the Public Service Commissioner with the inquisition while two other members of the team, John Legge from Canberra and Gerry (GJ) McLaughlin, a former Goroka District Clerk turned Public Service Inspector, would make flying visits to our stations while we were absent to see what they could unearth.

The inquisitors were not interested in an earlier altercation that I had with the police sergeant at Aitape. That was already on the record, but I was thoroughly grilled about my time in the Goilala and at Ambunti about the number and frequency of ADO and DC inspections and what I knew and felt about the Edwards and Creighton affairs.

I knew a lot about the Edwards affair. Patrol Officer Edwards MM had been convicted and gaoled in 1950 a year prior to my time in the Goilala. I knew all the details and also knew that Edwards had been awarded the Military Medal for acts of bravery during the landing at Balikpapan on 1 July 1945.

I said I thought Edwards had been left alone and unsupported for too long. The Creighton affair, initially disbelieved, had caused revulsion among us all as the facts were revealed.

As to visits and inspections, I explained that acting ADO Gus Bottrill had twice made the trek from Tapini to Urun—three-days there and three days back—while I was based there but that I could not imagine how a Port Moresby-based District Commissioner would handle the physical exertion, or be able to afford the time it would take.

I was more worried by what Legge and McLaughlin might unearth during their visit to Ambunti than I was about the inquisition by Thomson and McCarthy.

McLaughlin and I had known and disliked each other for three years in the Eastern Highlands, and a recent subterfuge at Ambunti had left me exposed.

I had been instructed to arrange a public meeting so an Australian cabinet minister, visiting the Territory from Canberra during the parliamentary winter recess, could meet with the village leaders.

I had seen it all before. The politician puffed and preened and spoke of his political wisdom and achievements. The luluais, tultuls and other notables, who had trekked from near and far, listened in disbelief, then returned home disillusioned and disheartened by the complete and needless waste of their effort and time.

On that recent occasion, I had organised a ‘rent-a-crowd’ to listen to the minister. The station work force - labourers and their wives; visitors and hospital outpatients; even the calaboose, re-garbed in lap laps borrowed from the government store - were assembled for the occasion, schooled and groomed to be enthusiastic and to applaud.

They performed well and the minister departed, happy and content. It would be curtains for me if my ruse became public or if the investigators discovered it. Fortunately Tierney and the others at Ambunti held their whist.

At the beginning of August another event was in train. Dick White decided I was going troppo and insisted I apply for leave. Approval was delayed because of the inquiry but on 3 October I departed on 122 days recreation leave plus four months long service leave.

District Commissioner Bob (RR) Cole had been transferred from the Southern Highlands to take over the Sepik and Tom Ellis had been elevated to acting District Officer. I hoped that I would be reposted back to the Sepik, after an absence of almost eight months, when my leave expired at the end of May 1958.

Elliot-Smith’s sudden departure was followed by another unexpected twist. On 30 April 1957, acting District Officer Fred Kaad was slotted in as acting District Commissioner ahead of the irreverent and unruly District Officer Dick White—a pre-war officer, ten years Kaad’s senior.

That was quite an event in our conservative and seniority-based service.

Images & notes

Map of the Ambunti region (Bill Brown)

Photo 01 - Ambunti from the air (Department of Information modified):
1 Assistant District Officer’s house (Mert Brightwell then Bill Brown), domestic servant’s house at rear
2 European Medical Assistant’s house (Allen Kelly), domestic servant’s house at rear
3. Patrol Officer’s house (John Tierney)
4. Sub-District Office
5.Haus Sik (hospital)
6. Floating wharf (left-right) Wewak-based MV Thetis, Ambunti workboats MV Mala and MV Onyx
7. Airstrip
8. Police Barracks, gaol and married quarters

Photo 02 - Landing at Ambunti (ER & JH Roach). The Sepik River is under and immediately in front of the aircraft. The river bank, airstrip and mountain are directly ahead. ADO’s house is on top of the hill at right

Photo 03 - Gibbes Sepik Airway’s Norseman parked alongside the footpath leading from the airstrip to the Ambunti Sub-District Office (Internet)

Photo 04 - Ambunti Hill from the river. The office is on the right and the zigzag track leads up the spine of the hill to the Medical Assistant’s house. On the top of the hill is the ADO’s house and the forest behind (Bill Brown)

Photo 05 - MV Mala moored alongside the floating wharf, Ambunti 1957 (Bill Brown)

Photo 06 - The canvas chairs on the roof above Mala’s wheelhouse where we spent our days on the river (Bill Brown)

Photo 07 - No dry ground at the first night’s stop; the river breaks its banks near Swagup (Bill Brown)

Photo 08 - Police Sergeant Lingut, Bill Brown and John Tierney at Ambunti,1957, standing in front of the Sub-District Office; Medical Assistant’s house at rear (Lee Robinson)

STAFF REPORTER | Northern Territory News

WAR experts have made a stunning discovery along the Kokoda Track — a secret jungle road built by the Japanese.

Australian archaeologists found ‘Jap Road’, as the locals call it, while unearthing the mysteries of the ‘lost battlefield’ of Etoa.

It is invisible from the air due to the impenetrable tree canopy, as is another pathway dubbed the ‘Jap Track’.

The battleground, where up to 70 undiscovered bodies still lie, is a treasure trove for officials investigating the Kokoda Campaign, which began 75 years ago this weekend and was part of Australia’s first genuine fight for survival — the brutal World War Two conflict in Papua New Guinea.

And it links to a larger effort to map key sites along the famous trail before they are lost to erosion, jungle creep and damage from clumsy trekkers.

“We went along it (the Jap Road) with a GPS and were able to map part of it,” says Matthew Kelly, senior archaeologist with Extent Heritage, whose team undertook the study for the PNG government.

The muddy, narrow mountainous Kokoda Track, fought over in horrible conditions between July and November 1942, was passable only to men on foot — and at times even then with great difficulty.

But the ‘Jap Road’ which runs parallel to the famous track is some metres wide, with banked sides, and investigators — who have crosschecked with old battalion memoirs and Australian War Memorial archives — believe it was intended for use by horses bringing supplies.

The invading force brought thousands of horses to PNG; given that they already outgunned the Australians with artillery and heavy machine guns, but had their initial successes eroded by their overextended supply lines, had they managed to pull even more equipment up the track the battle could have altered considerably.

“It would have changed things,” says Sydney-based Kelly. “This one would have been unknown to Australian intelligence. They could strafe the Kokoda Track but they couldn’t see the Japanese moving back and forth along this one.

“And the suspicion they might have been using horses to haul more supplies would not have been anticipated because the Australians had tried to use horse transport and failed.”

Kelly does not believe the road would have ultimately changed the outcome of the campaign, once the Japanese were forced to retreat; but had it been further developed it would have enabled the enemy to put up an even more vigorous defence which would have cost hundreds of Australian casualties.

The next step is to establish how far north and south the road extends. So far Kelly’s team have mapped just 4km in the vicinity of the lost battlefield.

“The proof of the pudding will be in further surveying,” says Kelly.

“If they didn’t build a track all the way from Kokoda all way through to PORT Moresby it looks as though they were looking at the possibility of doing so and that they may have been able to build part of it before they were forced to retreat.”

Etoa is near Eora Creek, site of one of the most significant battles along the track, where the retreating Japanese seemed set to hold the advancing Australians — until the Aussies broke through with well-recorded feats of courage.

Kelly believes there are many more stories waiting to be unearthed along Kokoda — from fallen soldiers’ remains to crashed planes, and even the remains of a massive defensive wall built by the Japanese and mentioned by diggers but never located.

Meanwhile PNG’s National Museum has appointed Australian historian Dr Andy Connelly as its new military heritage adviser as it seeks to discover and tell those stories.

Connelly was part of an expedition last year to locate and map more than 200 previously unrecorded sites of interest along the track, ranging from emplacements and ambush sites to weapons pits, where hoards of armaments can still be found.

STAFF REPORTER | Sunshine Coast Daily

FOR the first time in publishing history, female writers from Papua New Guinea have had their voices heard about their daily struggles in life with the compilation of the women's anthology, My Walk to Equality.

This evocative anthology will have its Sunshine Coast launch at a panel presentation at the second annual Sunshine Coast International Readers and Writers Festival on Saturday 12 August in Coolum Civic Centre.

The evocative anthology is a collection of more than 40 essays, short stories and poems which capture the daily challenges faced and positive contribution made by the women of PNG to improve community and nation.

The anthology was edited by PNG writer Rashmii Amoah Bell (pictured) and published by PNG's Pukpuk Publications.

Ms Bell is an important voice in PNG writing who is regularly published on the PNG Attitude blog which has been the platform in bringing her views on socio-economic development in Papua New Guinea to a significant readership.

Ms Bell writes essays and opinion commentary to convey her views on issues including anti-social and criminal behaviour, mental health, development aid and gender equality. Several of her essays were published in the 2015 and 2016 Crocodile Prize anthologies of the best PNG writing.

Ms Bell will be joined on the PNG panel by several of the 44 female writers who contributed to the anthology plus Pukpuk Publication's Phil Fitzpatrick.

Also on the panel is PNG author Daniel Kumbon with his latest book, I Can See My Country Clearly Now - A Traveller's Tribute to His Own Country.

Mr Kumbon, a much-travelled journalist, was born in Enga Province, university educated and is now back working among his own people. He is a Papua New Guinean who has been successfully able to blend the rich traditions of Melanesia with the requirements of a modern state.

In his book, the award-winning writer tells of his travels to the old world and the new and reflects on how his many experiences revealed PNG to him in a new light.

Brisbane journalist and author Sean Dorney completes the panel. Sean, the author of The Embarrassed Colonialist, is a fellow at the Lowy Institute.

After reporting on the Pacific with a particular focus on Papua New Guinea for more than four decades, Mr Dorney left the ABC in August 2014.

During his time with the ABC, he won a Walkley Award for his coverage of the Aitape tsunami and was both deported and awarded an MBE by the Papua New Guinean Government.

He is also the author of Papua New Guinea: People, Politics and History since 1975 and The Sandline Affair: Politics and Mercenaries and the Bougainville Crisis.

The PNG panel will be staged from 11.15am to 12.15pm on Saturday 12 August in Coolum Civic Centre.

MARLENE DEE GRAY POTOURA

To say Marlene Potoura has had a run of bad luck is a terrible understatement. The writer and educator is a single mother who in recent times has seen her pre-school business collapse and been evicted after her flat caught fire and was ransacked by thieves. Marlene has experienced the very worst of what Papua New Guinea can be. A few of her friends have assisted with funds but now I am widening this to include PNG Attitude readers. After you read Marlene’s story, if you feel you can assist, please donate to her at: Marlene Potoura, Account 1006258444, Bank South Pacific, Port Moresby. Marlene’s address is c/- Sylbeez Learning Centre, Lae, Morobe Province. This is an urgent and legitimate plea for help - KJ

AS YOU read this, I take this moment to ask for your kind help.

On 11 October 2016, my son Martin, 12, lit a candle at 9pm during a blackout, went to the toilet, came back, placed the candle on top of a computer CPU in our room and went back to bed. My daughter Darhlia, 8, and I had long gone been asleep.

The candle burned into the CPU and a fire started, giving off thick black smoke and setting alight the curtains and louvres. Luckily the door to the room was open.

My children's nanny, sleeping in the next room, was woken by the smoke and used our clothes to try to extinguish the fire.

The three of us in the bedroom narrowly escaped the fire suffering only the effects of smoke inhalation.

I get goose bumps and my heart pains when I recall this. My kids and I would have lost our lives if the nanny had not stayed the night.

As the fire progressed it seemed the entire population of the Four Mile area ran into the Nazarene churchyard and our flat.

The power came back on as people broke into our unit with the three of us coughing and choking.

Two men ran in and assaulted me and the nanny and stole some of our possessions.

The night was terrifying and chaotic and ended with the landlord's people evicting us from the flat at 4am with just our back packs.

We sought refuge with people I'd met in Lae and have been virtually homeless since then.

We were all traumatised. I took time off work and withdrew my kids from school.

I informed the police about what had happened, but they - knowing I am a single parent - weren't much help. They wanted money.

There’s much stress and difficulty in dealing with police and these kinds of issues in PNG.

The fire came at the worst time as I had just I closed my private school due to family issues and unpaid bills.

I owe K7,000 and I have reached the deadline for payment this month.

Meanwhile I have re-opened my Learning Centre, but cannot operate it properly because I have few resources.

I have worked hard to get our lives back in order, the kids are in school again, but I struggle to keep up.

I feel suffocated. I feel it is a hard burden to keep bearing alone.

I wrote an article about this personal disaster which was published in PNG Attitude and in the book, My Walk to Equality.

I asked Keith Jackson if he would publish an appeal for me and he said yes, but I slept on it and decided to just contact people I call friends.

Keith has now persuaded me to share my story with PNG Attitude readers and told me he will ask them to help.

Any assistance you give me will be recorded and I will try to repay the money when I get back on track.

If you have the heart to help me, please contact me at mpotoura@gmail.com and you can also donate to the bank account shown at the top of this story.

I apologise in advance if I caught you at an inappropriate time or if this embarrasses you. Thank you for reading this.

PAUL FLANAGAN | PNG Economics

ON Friday, the Papua New Guinean electoral commissioner, Patilias Gamato, issued a media release responding to claims made about the inadequacies of the 2017 voter common roll.

In the release, Mr Gamato (pictured) seriously misrepresented my earlier analysis (see articles here and here).

More intriguing, he seriously misrepresented what he himself tried to demonstrate in his media release.

Firstly, on the ludicrous claim that one cannot compare the 2017 electoral roll with the 2011 census (claiming that they are apples and oranges), he himself had made this exact same comparison on 9 April:

“This [the new electoral enrolment form] may reach one million and over and may contribute to a highly inflated 2017 roll as the number of eligible voters on the roll may equal or exceed the PNG population figure which is 7.5 million as per the 2011 census figures.”

So why can the electoral commissioner be permitted to make such a comparison, but no one else?

Second, doing a check on the ratio of the electoral roll to the expected voting age population is a standard and fundamental check on roll integrity.

This comparison is used in assessing electoral fairness throughout the world – including in PNG.

For example, in the Australian foreign affairs department assessment of its assistance to the PNG electoral commission from 2002 to 2012, it constantly uses the ratio of electoral roll to population as the basis for assessing the quality of the roll and Australia’s previous assistance in this area.

Third, Mr Gamato indicates I was trying to do a comparison between the quality of the 2012 electoral roll and the 2017 roll.

I would have liked to have done this comparison, but the electoral commission had not previously released data which allowed a test of a bias towards People’s National Congress electorates.

So all I was able to do previously was to examine the 2017 roll - and all indications are that it is incredibly biased towards PNC.

The electoral commissioner should unquestionably release more information to the public – doing so would have helped stop the devastating blow to PNG’s election credibility caused by the resignation of the entire electoral advisory committee,

It resigned on the grounds that it was not provided with such information.

Fourth, Gamato shot himself in the foot as an an unintended outcome of this provision of additional information, which now allows  a broad comparison to be made between electoral bias in the 2012 and 2017 electoral rolls.

The new information shows that, while there has been a commendable reduction in the number of excess electors (inflated rolls or ghost voters) on the common roll, the reduction has been concentrated in non-PNC areas.

So while it is commendable that the average size of ghost voters has fallen from 7,500 per PNC electorate to 6,000 per electorate, it is extraordinary that the reduction in non-PNC areas has been much greater (from around 4,000 per electorate to under 500 – and a negative number when statistical outliers are excluded).

This ghost-busting effort is 23% for PNC areas (pretty poor) but it is 89% for non-PNC areas – a noteworthy achievement. But this is a very biased pattern of “ghost-busting” which helps O’Neill’s position.

On the basis of this substantial bias, Mr Gamoto should resign.

Finally, it is worth noting that, despite the abuse of the power of incumbency by the O’Neill government shown in the biased electoral roll, the election results overall do show the Papua New Guinean voters’ desire for change.

We must hope for a unified front in those seeking a change, a change needed to deal with corruption, poor governance and the disappointing economic and budgetary and exchange rate performance of the last five years.

A guide by Transparency International for journalists throughout the world has been written to help protect their work and fulfil their mission. KAYLEE FERREIRA reports. The guide can be accessed here

MANY veteran journalists, and younger journalists too, surely notice that we are being bombarded again with mentions of Watergate.

Books like George Orwell’s 1984 are on display in bookstores and an air of danger to freedom of speech and freedom of the press is spreading slowly like a dark cloud over the Western hemisphere, raising old fears.

When a serving American president accuses a former president of surveillance, when he prevents media outlets access to press conferences – so far always granted and taken for granted – and when he incessantly accuses the media of being the country’s number one enemy, it isn’t surprising that memories of President Nixon surface and even Republican Senators such as John McCain express fear for the future of democracy.

Senator McCain is not alone. Many journalists I speak with express concern for what is ahead for freedom of the press.

And recent news about the CIA tells us that almost all encryption systems can be compromised if someone has the perseverance to crack them.

We are on the way to envisioning a Dystopian world we cannot even get too complacent about our own information or privacy.

The good news is that it is possible to make it difficult for people to intercept your emails, text messages or phone calls.

You can take measures to make the lives much harder for those who want to uncover your sources and the information being revealed to you.

Of course, the degree of effort you’re prepared to take to protect your privacy, your sources’ anonymity and your data’s safety need to be commensurate to the likelihood of a real threat, whether hacking or spying.

“The old-fashioned promises – I’m not going to reveal my source’s identity or give up my notes – are kind of empty if you’re not taking steps to protect your information digitally”, says Barton Gellman of the Washington Post, whose source, Edward Snowden, helped uncover the scope of American and British surveillance.

So, what is it that needs to be done to ensure that a journalist’s sources and data are secure and sound?

Secure device applications and functions. This is known as reducing the ‘attack surface’, that is, limiting installed apps to the bare minimum, installing only from trusted sources, selecting apps that require minimal rights, keeping the system fully patched and updated and having security controls based on best-practice on the device.

Isolate your devices and their environment. For example, the physical isolation of a computer for the purpose of checking files or the use of prepaid mobile devices.

Act cautiously both in the digital and real world. This has more to do with common sense than with software. For example, never write down the name of the source, certainly not on an app or any document that’s stored on your computer, and most certainly not on anything stored in the cloud.

WARDLEY BARRY

The songs in the hausman are gone;
the candidate is left alone.
There are no more mumus to feast;
open arms have become clenched fists.
The excitement has given way
to disgruntlement and dismay.

You lied, I listened and I lost.
If you win, you win at a cost.
I'll take your daughter so you will weep;
I'll burn your house so you can't sleep.
Because of you I lost a seat,
so I'll make sure your win ain't sweet.

During the campaign we have fine leaders;
after election we have lawbreakers.

RASHMII BELL

THE milestone anthology by Papua New Guinean women writers, My Walk to Equality, will be showcased at two international literary festivals in Queensland in the next two months.

The book will be discussed in special panel sessions at the Sunshine Coast International Readers and Writers Festival in Coolum on 11 August and at the Brisbane Writers Festival on 8 and 10 September.

The book of evocative essays, short stories and poems was written by 45 Papua New Guinean and published by Pukpuk Publications to coincide with International Women’s Day this year.

It was launched at companion events were held in Port Moresby and Brisbane and has since become a landmark publication.

I was delighted to receive the invitations, as was the entire group of writers.

This is an opportunity to introduce Papua New Guinean women’s writing to an international audience who share a passion for literature.

When I presented to the Brisbane Writers Festival last year, the audience asked to hear more positive stories from Papua New Guinea. We are delivering on this.

Many Papua New Guinean writers have had unwavering support from long-time friends of PNG to develop their writing.

Writers such as me have been mentored and improved our writing technique under Keith Jackson, having been published on PNG Attitude. We’ve also had terrific support from Phil Fitzpatrick’s Pukpuk Publications as well as great assistance and encouragement from Australian friends like Murray Bladwell, Maibry Astill and Bob Cleland.

The Sunshine Coast festival will feature a panel event including My Walk to Equality contributors Vanessa Gordon and Helen Anderson as well as me, Phil Fitzpatrick, Daniel Kumbon and legendary journalist Sean Dorney.

I will chair a conversation with Vanessa and fellow writer Tania Basiou at the Brisbane Writers Festival as well presenting as part of a separate panel discussion with literary identities Michael Sala and Kerrie Davies.

Limited stocks of My Walk to Equality will be available for purchase at Sandy Pages Bookshop in Coolum from 11 August and from 6 September at the Queensland State Library’s Bookshop.

My Walk to Equality continues to be available for purchase on Amazon in paperback and Kindle editions.

FRANCIS NII

THE counting and declaration of winning candidates in the 2017 elections is nearing completion and lobbying leading to the formation of a new government has begun.

This will intensify in the coming days and, while this horse trading continues, elected members need to bear in mind that the people’s mandate is not for them to sell or for others to buy.

Indications are that the battle will be between a Pangu-National Alliance led grand coalition, assembling in Goroka, and a group led by the governing People’s National Congress who are camping in Alotau.

Peter O’Neill will definitely be the prime ministerial nominee for the PNC-led Alotau team.

O’Neill will not relinquish the prime ministership to another PNC member or anyone else because some actions and decisions made during his tenure as prime minister are subject to investigation by a new prime minister.

Hence wants – perhaps needs - to be at the centre of power so he can keep the lid on.

Deputy PM Leo Dion has been defeated leaving that senior post for O’Neill to use as bait to lure leaders of other to join PNC. The target might also be offered a senior ministry and a golden handshake as well.

Given the integrity displayed by Pangu Party leader Sam Basil, and his strong stance against corruption, I’d be betting that he will definitely not take O’Neill’s bait.

National Alliance leader Patrick Pruaitch, although quiet since his victory as the re-elected member for Aitape-Lumi, is likely to take the same stance as Basil.

Pruaitch attacked O’Neill’s economic management on the eve of the election and was duly sacked by O’Neill. It is possible, but seems unlikely, that this big difference will be bridged – especially if Pruaitch can secure a prime job in a new non-O’Neill government.

That said, there is plenty of a precedent for u-turns and backflips in PNG politics.

After the 2012 election, the National Alliance under Grand Chief Michael Somare surprisingly backed O’Neill and made him prime minister.

This came after Somare’s power and credibility was torn apart, tarnished and muddied in the 2011 political impasse led by O’Neill and Belden Namah while the Grand Chief lay critically ill in a Singapore hospital.

But I don’t think history will repeat this time. Pruaitch is a learned leader and is fully aware of the mess created under the O’Neill’s regime.

My assessment is he will not be part of it again even if he is offered the deputy prime minister’s post.

If Pruaitch does take the bait, he can expect a split within the National Alliance as its president and member-elect for Namatanai, Walter Schnaubelt, has categorically stated that he is a corruption fighter and suggested that ge will join the Goroka team.

The position of Sir Julius Chan and his People’s Progress Party isn’t clear. His statement at the declaration of his Kavieng seat highlighted fence-sitting. PPP is likely to follow the tide.

The Pangu-NA team has been boosted by firebrand politicians Kerenga Kua, Gary Juffa, Belden Namah, Alan Marat, Bire Kimisopa, Mekere Morauta, Walter Schnaubelt and retired Air Niugini pilot Lekwa Gure.

The prospect of more members joining the team is high and there is also the prospect of a split in the PNC group as they see O’Neill, with a poor track record, losing his grip on power.

The decision that each elected member makes at this time will determine the destiny of PNG in the years to come.

They must have the interests of the people and country at heart; the people who elected them and the country they are pledged to serve.

Before accepting bribes and other inducements from others, they must first think of the people who gave them the mandate to serve. That mandate is not for them to sell or other people to buy.

The moment they accept a bribe or other enticement, they have sold the rights and mandate of the people and trashed their own integrity and moral principles.

They have become valueless and powerless. The party or leader who bought them will use them and manipulate them. And he will unceremoniously dump them when they are no longer needed.

These newly-minted politicians now have the clearest of choices – to exercise the moral imperative of standing for country and people, or to go down the grubby road of self-aggrandisement and dishonesty.

DANIEL KUMBON

I AM terribly sorry I cannot I attend the Sunshine Coast international readers and writers festival.

Even if my new book, ‘Survivor – Alive in Mum’s Loving Arms’, a collection of three true stories about women in Enga Province, had been published on time, I would not have been able to travel to Australia.

My family and I have been confined to our house for the last few days due to shocking election-related violence, death and destruction in Wabag town where I live.

The violent scenes I witnessed many years ago and described in my new book were played out again in Wabag last Saturday.

Three political supporters and two policemen were shot dead. A third policeman was airlifted to Port Moresby for treatment. The assistant returning officer for Kandep and two other people are in critical condition in Wabag hospital. Returning officer, Ben Besawe narrowly escaped death when the vehicle he was travelling in was sprayed with bullets.

There have been continuous gunshots for the last few days as security forces and supporters of some Kandep candidates exchange fire.

I saw social media images of a gunman shot dead and lying in a ditch after he had three men, including two policemen, and injured another mobile squad member staying at Kids Inn at Sangrap.

I have seen smoke billowing from burning shops and cars and people running for cover in the small township.

Yesterday, Monday, police commissioner Gary Baki flew in with reinforcements bringing some normalcy to the town and allowing people to breathe easier.

He enforced a lockdown, restricting movement of traffic and people until Friday when all ballot boxes will have been counted for the Enga regional seat and the Wabag, Wapenamanda and Laiagam seats.

The Kompiam-Ambum electorate has seen John Pundari win back his seat. Kandep counting has been suspended indefinitely.

This record of events is from my diary:

Wednesday 19 July: Heard about 12 gunshots early this morning. Heard 21 remaining ballot boxes for Kandep had been tampered with last night. Right now Alfred is leading with over 15,000 votes followed by Don Polye on 11,000 votes. Don Polye’s base vote boxes have reportedly not been counted yet. Went into town at about midday. I took a short-cut up a steep gradient. But police and soldiers at the top turned me back. They said Wabag town was shut down due to last night’s problems. I turned back, walked up to the Porgera bus stop and turned right towards the BSP Bank. Everything was closed. Wabag was a ghost town.

Thursday 20 July: Yesterday there were gunshots. But today security forces have secured the town. Some services like the bank, shops and post office are open again.

Friday 21 July: There is dancing in the street. I hear John Pundari has been re-elected to the Kompiam Ambum Seat. The ballot boxes for Kandep are still disputed, not counted yet. Wonder what Ben Besawe is doing. I am sure he will be neutral and think about people’s lives first. Many have suffered and over 100 people died following the 2012 election violence. That wasn’t long ago.

Saturday 22 July: Julie has just told me about a bad dream she had last night. I decided if I should go home to Kandep today. But she said I must wait till next week. Lucky I didn’t go. Between 7am – 8am there were many gunshots coming from the Lankep area to the north. It seemed as if there was a war on. Soon there were reports of casualties. There were reports that Ben Besawe, Kandep returning officer, his assistant George Marke and a couple of others in their car had been ambushed outside their hotel and shot dead. They were travelling in a ten-seater to Wabag Primary School to resume counting. Supporters of Don Polye were said to be responsible.

A while later there were more shots. This time in the direction of Sangurap to the west. Soon there were reports of casualties. Two supporters of Alfred Manase were shot dead by police. One of them had shot dead three policemen before he was killed. The same gunman had first shot dead one of Don Polye’s supporters. Then police had shot off one of his legs. While bleeding in a storm water drain opposite the Kids Inn, he shot the three policeman perhaps to avenge himself before he died. A little later I heard George Marke was still in critical condition but not dead as reported earlier. And Ben Besawe was lucky to be alive after he missed a bullet aimed at him.

Heard more gun shots. Heard two men lying dead in a drain at Sangurap. Saw pictures of them lying there in the drain on Facebook. Terrible, sad day for Enga. I see police choppers hovering in the air. I saw the car used to attack Ben Besawe and George burn on Lankep Street. It had been abandoned on the street and the assailants had escaped into the notorious Kop Creek gorges. Then I hear two policeman had been shot dead by a gunman. A third was fighting for his life. Why kill policemen who come to protect us to conduct our stupid election in safety?

My own brother, the late Inspector Peter Pyaso, was killed by Lakain tribesmen in Kompiam when he went to stop a tribal fight there in 1992 with his Mobile Squad 9. I am always upset when people kill policeman. Why kill them when they try to maintain peace? I saw several police cars travelling in a convoy remove bodies from the morgue and taken to Mommers Soccer oval. Saw chopper take the bodies away towards Mt Hagen. Very sad sight.

Later in the afternoon, heard gun shots very near my house. I cannot count how many shots were fired. All my family crammed into one room terrified. A few of us ventured outside minutes later. I saw dark brownish smoke bellowing into the air. People said two of Alfred Manase’s cars and two others belonging to the local Apiap tribesmen were burning. A store belonging to a young Apiap man was also burning. Very sad.

“It takes a long time to make a man. Why shoot policeman down like this,” a woman heard a policeman say while mourning his colleague’s deaths. How true, why all this wanton killing? At 6pm, I saw a news bulletin on EMTV news confirming that the two policeman killed were from Special Operations Mobile police based in Mt Hagen. A third had been airlifted to Port Moresby for treatment.  I saw Don Polye condemning the carnage on EMTV news that same evening. It’s a sad, sad day indeed.

Sunday 23 July:  I hear police commissioner Gary Baki will come to Wabag tomorrow. At 3am heard more gunshots – about 6-10 in all. People attempting to destroy ballot papers? Attempting to take revenge? Fed up hearing gunshots. By daybreak, I hear birds singing as sweetly as ever, as if nothing happened yesterday. Life goes on?

Monday 24 July: Saw a lone chopper flying in. Gary Baki must be coming. I have been at home all day today and during the weekend. With the police commissioner here I feel enlightened. He is encouraging his men to complete the task at hand – which is complete providing security so counting can be completed despite losing two of their number and one fighting for his life. I must applaud the police, brave and committed.

As an educated elite from Kandep, I personally feel that counting should be suspended for the good of all village people until 2022. The governor and administrator of the province can run the affairs of this unfortunate district for the next five years. The people do not seem deserving of a representative in parliament.

Over 100 people lost their lives and millions of kina worth property following the 2012 national elections and it looks like more people will die this time round if counting is continued and a winner is declared. Indefinite suspension of counting will satisfy all parties and vast majority of Kandep people. Let no more people die in a struggle for only one man to enjoy power.

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KEITH JACKSON

THE international watchdog on media freedom and journalists’ rights, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), has condemned “the many media freedom violations” that it says have occurred during the current Papua New Guinea general elections.

In enumerating a number of specific cases of media restriction by government officials, the organisation points out that journalists covering the elections in Madang were denied access by police and the now notorious electoral commission and that media were not allowed to film or take photos in Port Moresby’s main tally room.

RSF also said that “amid many reports on social networks of vote-buying and violence” authorities also took alarming measures against citizen journalists.

It cited the case of blogger and political commentator Martyn Namorong who referred to electoral commissioner Patilias Gamato as ‘Tomato’ in one of his many posts criticising election process.

“Gamato brought a suit claiming he had been ‘seriously injured in his character, credit and reputation’ in Namorong’s post, which went viral,” RSF said.

It quoted Gamato as defending his decision to sue by saying: “I don't look like a tomato, I'm a human being. So that's defamatory, so I had to take him to court.”

Reporters Without Borders also took exception to the national court issuing a gag order banning Namorong from publishing further “defamatory remarks” on Facebook and Twitter.

“Journalists and citizen-journalists have a duty to inform the public about what has gone wrong during an election,” RSF said.

“The courts and the authorities must recognise that Martyn Namorong committed no crime and must therefore lift the censorship order imposed on him.

“A country cannot claim to be democratic just because it holds elections. It must also respect and protect media freedom, which is the cornerstone of every democracy,” RSF stated.

Namorong’s lawyer, Christine Copland, said her client had no chance to speak when the gag order was imposed because court officials said they could not locate him to serve the documents.

The writer’s response to the order was to post a photo of himself blindfolded and gagged.

Before the court hearing scheduled for Tuesday, Namorong said: “I am as cool as a cucumber about tomorrow’s hearing as my lawyers are no couch potatoes.”

PHIL FITZPATRICK

FOR some reason the discussions about Papua New Guinea’s elections and references to the decline in democracy and the possibility of a dictatorship remind me of some district commissioners I once worked under.

Prior to independence, the provinces were called districts and they were run by district commissioners. When I first arrived in PNG, they were all Australians but by the early 1970s there were a few Papua New Guinean DCs.

My first posting was to Mount Hagen, where district commissioner Tom Ellis (pictured) ruled the roost, some said with an iron fist.

In those days the Western Highlands was the star district. It was developing rapidly and had huge potential. Some people put this down to Ellis’s influence.

He was referred to as ‘God’ but some people thought he was the devil incarnate. It was pretty black and white with Tom, you either loved him or hated him.

What a lot of his fans seemed to forget was that he had Geoff Littler, a very competent and progressive deputy, standing behind him.

At my first and memorable meeting with him, Ellis assured me and the other cadet patrol officers alongside me that we had at least 20 years’ service ahead of us before independence and the prospect of a good career. Nine years later Papua New Guinea was independent.

Before independence, Tom was whisked off to Port Moresby as the new director of district administration where he began a rearguard action against Michael Somare and PANGU Pati, which was in the box seat to take PNG to independence.

There was a considerable push in PNG against early independence, and it was just restricted to planters and conservative highlanders – there were a few public servants who also wanted to hold things back.

Ellis’s replacement was the genial Mick Foley, a big Irishman and a stark contrast to the authoritarian Tom. His family was also down to earth and easy to get on with. Tragically, his daughter was killed in an accident involving the still spinning prop of a landed aircraft and Foley himself died of a heart attack in his mid-forties.

When Geoff Littler followed Tom to the big smoke of Moresby, Bob Bell came in as deputy district commissioner. He later became the district commissioner of Gulf.

Bob had a wicked sense of humour. I recall him advising a kiap who was getting married that he would thenceforth be no longer able to fart in bed if he went through with it.

Bob had his own aeroplane, a Cessna 172, and used it to get around his district. He would drop out of the sky at odd moments to carry out inspections of patrol posts much to the chagrin of the surprised officers in charge. Keeping his staff on edge seemed to be an effective management tool.

When I arrived in Western, the district commissioner at Daru was Ian Holmes. Daru was sometimes a punishment posting but I wasn’t aware that Ian had done anything particularly bad to land there.

Shortly after I arrived, Holmes was replaced by the irrepressible Ken Brown. Ken got on famously with everyone and he had a streak of nostalgia in him for times past when great exploratory patrolling was the order of the day.

In those days Western still had some large areas of thinly populated but unexplored country. Up near Nomad cannibalism was still common, so Ken was in his element.

Soon after he arrived he started sending patrols into these unexplored areas. They were probably the last pioneering patrols carried out in Papua New Guinea and I was lucky to be involved in some of them.

Ken wasn’t all nostalgia, however, he had an eye on the future and was responsible for mentoring one of the early Papua New Guinean district commissioners, Benson Gegeyo. Benson was a very able district commissioner and I suspect he and Ken were great mates.

The district commissioners were equivalent to what are now provincial governors. I can only think of a couple of governors who would have made good district commissioners.

Iron fisted, often eccentric, but with Papua New Guinea in their hearts, the district commissioners were great men we shouldn’t forget.